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commit cfa4f25a196f013868e0de6daad7c51709185161
parent 4786387b6e8d21c5743899fa5521003e3353cb0d
Author: aabacchus <ben@bvnf.space>
Date:   Mon, 27 Dec 2021 19:04:06 +0000

add some books

also relativise most internal links (/style.css => ../style.css)

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Abooks/gutenberg-license.html | 421+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Abooks/iliad.html | 13567+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Abooks/index.html | 32++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Abooks/kalevala.html | 23237+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Abooks/kalevala.txt | 23101+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Abooks/medea.html | 2399+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Mindex.html | 3++-
Mstyle.css | 6+++++-
10 files changed, 71039 insertions(+), 3 deletions(-)

diff --git a/blog/gen-index.sh b/blog/gen-index.sh @@ -17,9 +17,10 @@ cat << EOF </head> <body> <header><nav> - <a href="/">[Home]</a> + <a href="../">[Home]</a> <a>[Blog]</a> <a href="https://git.bvnf.space/">[Git]</a> + <a href="../books/">[Books]</a> </nav></header> <table> EOF diff --git a/books/bread.html b/books/bread.html @@ -0,0 +1,8273 @@ +<!DOCTYPE html> +<html> +<head> + <meta charset=utf-8> + <title>EAT BREAD DO CRIMES</title> +<style> +body,html { + min-height: 100vh; + font: 18px/1.3 serif; + margin: 0; padding: 0; + background: wheat; +} +main { + max-width: 70ch; + padding: 2ch; + margin: auto; + background: white; +} +.mono { + font-family: monospace; +} +</style> +</head> +<body> + <main> + <section id=intro> + <header> + <h2>Pyotr Kropotkin's</h2> + <h1>THE CONQUEST OF BREAD</h1> + </header> + </section> + + <p><em>This text is in the public domain, and the formatted document is distributed from <a href="https://gutenberg.org/">Project Gutenberg</a> in accordance with their license, which can be read <a href="#license">at the bottom of the document</a>.</em></p> +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_v" id="Page_v"></a></span></p> + +<h2>CONTENTS</h2> + +<div class="index"> +<ul> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#PREFACE">PREFACE</a></span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_I">I.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Our Riches</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_II">II.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Well-Being for All</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_III">III.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Anarchist Communism</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_IV">IV.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Expropriation</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_V">V.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Food</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_VI">VI.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Dwellings</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_VII">VII.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Clothing</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_VIII">VIII.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Ways and Means</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_IX">IX.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">The Need for Luxury</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_X">X.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Agreeable Work</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XI">XI.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Free Agreement</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XII">XII.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Objections</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XIII">XIII.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">The Collectivist Wages System</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XIV">XIV.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Consumption and Production</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XV">XV.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">The Division of Labour</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XVI">XVI.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">The Decentralization of Industry</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#CHAPTER_XVII">XVII.</a></span>&nbsp;&nbsp;<span class="smcap">Agriculture</span></li> +<li><span class="mono">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="#NOTES"><span class="smcap">Notes</span></a></span></li> +</ul> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_vii" id="Page_vii"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="PREFACE" id="PREFACE"></a>PREFACE</h2> + +<p>One of the current objections to Communism, and Socialism altogether, is +that the idea is so old, and yet it has never been realized. Schemes of +ideal States haunted the thinkers of Ancient Greece; later on, the early +Christians joined in communist groups; centuries later, large communist +brotherhoods came into existence during the Reform movement. Then, the +same ideals were revived during the great English and French +Revolutions; and finally, quite lately, in 1848, a revolution, inspired +to a great extent with Socialist ideals, took place in France. "And yet, +you see," we are told, "how far away is still the realization of your +schemes. Don't you think that there is some fundamental error in your +understanding of human nature and its needs?"</p> + +<p>At first sight this objection seems very serious. However, the moment we +consider human history more attentively, it loses its strength. We see, +first, that hundreds of millions of men have succeeded in maintaining +amongst themselves, in their village communities, for many hundreds of +years, one of the main elements of Socialism&mdash;the common ownership of +the chief instrument of production, the land, and the apportionment of +the same according to the labour capacities of the different families; +and we learn that if the communal possession of the land has been +destroyed in Western Europe, it was not from within, but from without, +by the governments which created a land monopoly in favour of the +nobility and the middle classes. We learn, moreover, that the medieval +cities succeeded in maintaining in their midst, for several centuries in +succession, a certain socialized organization of production and trade; +that these centuries were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_viii" id="Page_viii"></a></span> periods of a rapid intellectual, industrial, +and artistic progress; while the decay of these communal institutions +came mainly from the incapacity of men of combining the village with the +city, the peasant with the citizen, so as jointly to oppose the growth +of the military states, which destroyed the free cities.</p> + +<p>The history of mankind, thus understood, does not offer, then, an +argument against Communism. It appears, on the contrary, as a succession +of endeavours to realize some sort of communist organization, endeavours +which were crowned here and there with a partial success of a certain +duration; and all we are authorized to conclude is, that mankind has not +yet found the proper form for combining, on communistic principles, +agriculture with a suddenly developed industry and a rapidly growing +international trade. The latter appears especially as a disturbing +element, since it is no longer individuals only, or cities, that enrich +themselves by distant commerce and export; but whole nations grow rich +at the cost of those nations which lag behind in their industrial +development.</p> + +<p>These conditions, which began to appear by the end of the eighteenth +century, took, however, their full development in the nineteenth century +only, after the Napoleonic wars came to an end. And modern Communism has +to take them into account.</p> + +<p>It is now known that the French Revolution, apart from its political +significance, was an attempt made by the French people, in 1793 and +1794, in three different directions more or less akin to Socialism. It +was, first, <i>the equalization of fortunes</i>, by means of an income tax +and succession duties, both heavily progressive, as also by a direct +confiscation of the land in order to sub-divide it, and by heavy war +taxes levied upon the rich only. The second attempt was a sort of +<i>Municipal Communism</i> as regards the consumption of some objects of +first necessity, bought by the municipalities, and sold by them at cost +price. And the third attempt was to introduce a wide <i>national system of +rationally established prices of all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_ix" id="Page_ix"></a></span> commodities</i>, for which the real +cost of production and moderate trade profits had to be taken into +account. The Convention worked hard at this scheme, and had nearly +completed its work, when reaction took the upper hand.</p> + +<p>It was during this remarkable movement, which has never yet been +properly studied, that modern Socialism was born&mdash;Fourierism with +L'Ange, at Lyons, and authoritarian Communism with Buonarroti, Babeuf, +and their comrades. And it was immediately after the Great Revolution +that the three great theoretical founders of modern Socialism&mdash;Fourier, +Saint Simon, and Robert Owen, as well as Godwin (the No-State +Socialism)&mdash;came forward; while the secret communist societies, +originated from those of Buonarroti and Babeuf, gave their stamp to +militant, authoritarian Communism for the next fifty years.</p> + +<p>To be correct, then, we must say that modern Socialism is not yet a +hundred years old, and that, for the first half of these hundred years, +two nations only, which stood at the head of the industrial movement, +i.e., Britain and France, took part in its elaboration. Both&mdash;bleeding +at that time from the terrible wounds inflicted upon them by fifteen +years of Napoleonic wars, and both enveloped in the great European +reaction that had come from the East.</p> + +<p>In fact, it was only after the Revolution of July, 1830, in France, and +the Reform movement of 1830-1832 in this country, had begun to shake off +that terrible reaction, that the discussion of Socialism became possible +for a few years before the revolution of 1848. And it was during those +years that the aspirations of Fourier, St. Simon, and Robert Owen, +worked out by their followers, took a definite shape, and the different +schools of Socialism which exist nowadays were defined.</p> + +<p>In Britain, Robert Owen and his followers worked out their schemes of +communist villages, agricultural and industrial at the same time; +immense co-operative associations were started for creating with their +dividends more communist colonies; and the Great Consolidated Trades' +Union was<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_x" id="Page_x"></a></span> founded&mdash;the forerunner of both the Labour Parties of our +days and the International Working-men's Association.</p> + +<p>In France, the Fourierist Consid&eacute;rant issued his remarkable manifesto, +which contains, beautifully developed, all the theoretical +considerations upon the growth of Capitalism, which are now described as +"Scientific Socialism." Proudhon worked out his idea of Anarchism and +Mutualism, without State interference. Louis Blanc published his +<i>Organization of Labour</i>, which became later on the programme of +Lassalle. Vidal in France and Lorenz Stein in Germany further developed, +in two remarkable works, published in 1846 and 1847 respectively, the +theoretical conceptions of Consid&eacute;rant; and finally Vidal, and +especially Pecqueur, developed in detail the system of Collectivism, +which the former wanted the National Assembly of 1848 to vote in the +shape of laws.</p> + +<p>However, there is one feature, common to all Socialist schemes of that +period, which must be noted. The three great founders of Socialism who +wrote at the dawn of the nineteenth century were so entranced by the +wide horizons which it opened before them, that they looked upon it as a +new revelation, and upon themselves as upon the founders of a new +religion. Socialism had to be a religion, and they had to regulate its +march, as the heads of a new church. Besides, writing during the period +of reaction which had followed the French Revolution, and seeing more +its failures than its successes, they did not trust the masses, and they +did not appeal to them for bringing about the changes which they thought +necessary. They put their faith, on the contrary, into some great ruler, +some Socialist Napoleon. He would understand the new revelation; he +would be convinced of its desirability by the successful experiments of +their phalansteries, or associations; and he would peacefully accomplish +by his own authority the revolution which would bring well-being and +happiness to mankind. A military genius, Napoleon, had just been ruling +Europe. Why should not a social genius come forward, carry Europe with +him and translate the new Gospel into life? That faith was rooted very +deep, and it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xi" id="Page_xi"></a></span> stood for a long time in the way of Socialism; its traces +are even seen amongst us, down to the present day.</p> + +<p>It was only during the years 1840-48, when the approach of the +Revolution was felt everywhere, and the proletarians were beginning to +plant the banner of Socialism on the barricades, that faith in the +people began to enter once more the hearts of the social schemers: +faith, on the one side, in Republican Democracy, and on the other side +in <i>free</i> association, in the organizing powers of the working-men +themselves.</p> + +<p>But then came the Revolution of February, 1848, the middle-class +Republic, and&mdash;with it, shattered hopes. Four months only after the +proclamation of the Republic, the June insurrection of the Paris +proletarians broke out, and it was crushed in blood. The wholesale +shooting of the working-men, the mass deportations to New Guinea, and +finally the Napoleonian <i>coup d'&ecirc;tat</i> followed. The Socialists were +prosecuted with fury, and the weeding out was so terrible and so +thorough that for the next twelve or fifteen years the very traces of +Socialism disappeared; its literature vanished so completely that even +names, once so familiar before 1848, were entirely forgotten; ideas +which were then current&mdash;the stock ideas of the Socialists before +1848&mdash;were so wiped out as to be taken, later on, by our generation, for +new discoveries.</p> + +<p>However, when a new revival began, about 1866, when Communism and +Collectivism once more came forward, it appeared that the conception as +to the means of their realization had undergone a deep change. The old +faith in Political Democracy was dying out, and the first principles +upon which the Paris working-men agreed with the British trade-unionists +and Owenites, when they met in 1862 and 1864, at London, was that "the +emancipation of the working-men must be accomplished by the working-men +themselves." Upon another point they also were agreed. It was that the +labour unions themselves would have to get hold of the instruments of +production, and organize production themselves. The French idea of the +Fourierist and Mutualist "Association" thus<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xii" id="Page_xii"></a></span> joined hands with Robert +Owen's idea of "The Great Consolidated Trades' Union," which was +extended now, so as to become an International Working-men's +Association.</p> + +<p>Again this new revival of Socialism lasted but a few years. Soon came +the war of 1870-71, the uprising of the Paris Commune&mdash;and again the +free development of Socialism was rendered impossible in France. But +while Germany accepted now from the hands of its German teachers, Marx +and Engels, the Socialism of the French "forty-eighters" that is, the +Socialism of Consid&eacute;rant and Louis Blanc, and the Collectivism of +Pecqueur,&mdash;France made a further step forward.</p> + +<p>In March, 1871, Paris had proclaimed that henceforward it would not wait +for the retardatory portions of France: that it intended to start within +its Commune its own social development.</p> + +<p>The movement was too short-lived to give any positive result. It +remained communalist only; it merely asserted the rights of the Commune +to its full autonomy. But the working-classes of the old International +saw at once its historical significance. They understood that the free +commune would be henceforth the medium in which the ideas of modern +Socialism may come to realization. The free agro-industrial communes, of +which so much was spoken in England and France before 1848, need not be +small phalansteries, or small communities of 2000 persons. They must be +vast agglomerations, like Paris, or, still better, small territories. +These communes would federate to constitute nations in some cases, even +irrespectively of the present national frontiers (like the Cinque Ports, +or the Hansa). At the same time large labour associations would come +into existence for the inter-communal service of the railways, the +docks, and so on.</p> + +<p>Such were the ideas which began vaguely to circulate after 1871 amongst +the thinking working-men, especially in the Latin countries. In some +such organization, the details of which life itself would settle, the +labour circles saw the medium through which Socialist forms of life +could find a much easier realization than through the seizure of all +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiii" id="Page_xiii"></a></span>industrial property by the State, and the State organization of +agriculture and industry.</p> + +<p>These are the ideas to which I have endeavoured to give a more or less +definite expression in this book.</p> + +<p>Looking back now at the years that have passed since this book was +written, I can say in full conscience that its leading ideas must have +been correct. State Socialism has certainly made considerable progress. +State railways, State banking, and State trade in spirits have been +introduced here and there. But every step made in this direction, even +though it resulted in the cheapening of a given commodity, was found to +be a new obstacle in the struggle of the working-men for their +emancipation. So that we find growing amongst the working-men, +especially in Western Europe, the idea that even the working of such a +vast national property as a railway-net could be much better handled by +a Federated Union of railway employ&eacute;s, than by a State organization.</p> + +<p>On the other side, we see that countless attempts have been made all +over Europe and America, the leading idea of which is, on the one side, +to get into the hands of the working-men themselves wide branches of +production, and, on the other side, to always widen in the cities the +circles of the functions which the city performs in the interest of its +inhabitants. Trade-unionism, with a growing tendency towards organizing +the different trades internationally, and of being not only an +instrument for the improvement of the conditions of labour, but also of +becoming an organization which might, at a given moment, take into its +hands the management of production; Co-operation, both for production +and for distribution, both in industry and agriculture, and attempts at +combining both sorts of co-operation in experimental colonies; and +finally, the immensely varied field of the so-called Municipal +Socialism&mdash;these are the three directions in which the greatest amount +of creative power has been developed lately.</p> + +<p>Of course, none of these may, in any degree, be taken as a substitute +for Communism, or even for Socialism, both of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_xiv" id="Page_xiv"></a></span> which imply the common +possession of the instruments of production. But we certainly must look +at all these attempts as upon <i>experiments</i>&mdash;like those which Owen, +Fourier, and Saint Simon tried in their colonies&mdash;experiments which +prepare human thought to conceive some of the practical forms in which a +communist society might find its expression. The synthesis of all these +partial experiments will have to be made some day by the constructive +genius of some one of the civilized nations. But samples of the bricks +out of which the great synthetic building will have to be built, and +even samples of some of its rooms, are being prepared by the immense +effort of the constructive genius of man.</p> + +<p> &nbsp; <span class="smcap">Brighton.</span><br /><br /> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <i>January, 1913.</i></p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_1" id="Page_1"></a></span></p> + +<h2>THE CONQUEST OF BREAD</h2> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_I" id="CHAPTER_I"></a>CHAPTER I</h2> + +<h3>OUR RICHES</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>The human race has travelled a long way, since those remote ages when +men fashioned their rude implements of flint and lived on the precarious +spoils of hunting, leaving to their children for their only heritage a +shelter beneath the rocks, some poor utensils&mdash;and Nature, vast, +unknown, and terrific, with whom they had to fight for their wretched +existence.</p> + +<p>During the long succession of agitated ages which have elapsed since, +mankind has nevertheless amassed untold treasures. It has cleared the +land, dried the marshes, hewn down forests, made roads, pierced +mountains; it has been building, inventing, observing, reasoning; it has +created a complex machinery, wrested her secrets from Nature, and +finally it pressed steam and electricity into its service. And the +result is, that now the child of the civilized man finds at its birth, +ready for its use, an immense capital accumulated by those who have gone +before him. And this capital enables man to acquire, merely by his own +labour combined with the labour of others, riches surpassing the dreams +of the fairy tales of the Thousand and One Nights.</p> + +<p>The soil is cleared to a great extent, fit for the reception of the best +seeds, ready to give a rich return for the skill and labour spent upon +it&mdash;a return more than sufficient for all the wants of humanity. The +methods of rational cultivation are known.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_2" id="Page_2"></a></span></p><p>On the wide prairies of America each hundred men, with the aid of +powerful machinery, can produce in a few months enough wheat to maintain +ten thousand people for a whole year. And where man wishes to double his +produce, to treble it, to multiply it a hundred-fold, he <i>makes</i> the +soil, gives to each plant the requisite care, and thus obtains enormous +returns. While the hunter of old had to scour fifty or sixty square +miles to find food for his family, the civilized man supports his +household, with far less pains, and far more certainty, on a thousandth +part of that space. Climate is no longer an obstacle. When the sun +fails, man replaces it by artificial heat; and we see the coming of a +time when artificial light also will be used to stimulate vegetation. +Meanwhile, by the use of glass and hot water pipes, man renders a given +space ten and fifty times more productive than it was in its natural +state.</p> + +<p>The prodigies accomplished in industry are still more striking. With the +co-operation of those intelligent beings, modern machines&mdash;themselves +the fruit of three or four generations of inventors, mostly unknown&mdash;a +hundred men manufacture now the stuff to provide ten thousand persons +with clothing for two years. In well-managed coal mines the labour of a +hundred miners furnishes each year enough fuel to warm ten thousand +families under an inclement sky. And we have lately witnessed the +spectacle of wonderful cities springing up in a few months for +international exhibitions, without interrupting in the slightest degree +the regular work of the nations.</p> + +<p>And if in manufactures as in agriculture, and as indeed through our +whole social system, the labour, the discoveries, and the inventions of +our ancestors profit chiefly the few, it is none the less certain that +mankind in general, aided by the creatures of steel and iron which it +already possesses, could already procure an existence of wealth and ease +for every one of its members.</p> + +<p>Truly, we are rich&mdash;far richer than we think; rich in what we already +possess, richer still in the possibilities of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_3" id="Page_3"></a></span>production of our actual +mechanical outfit; richest of all in what we might win from our soil, +from our manufactures, from our science, from our technical knowledge, +were they but applied to bringing about the well-being of all.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>In our civilized societies we are rich. Why then are the many poor? Why +this painful drudgery for the masses? Why, even to the best paid +workman, this uncertainty for the morrow, in the midst of all the wealth +inherited from the past, and in spite of the powerful means of +production, which could ensure comfort to all, in return for a few hours +of daily toil?</p> + +<p>The Socialists have said it and repeated it unwearyingly. Daily they +reiterate it, demonstrating it by arguments taken from all the sciences. +It is because all that is necessary for production&mdash;the land, the mines, +the highways, machinery, food, shelter, education, knowledge&mdash;all have +been seized by the few in the course of that long story of robbery, +enforced migration and wars, of ignorance and oppression, which has been +the life of the human race before it had learned to subdue the forces of +Nature. It is because, taking advantage of alleged rights acquired in +the past, these few appropriate to-day two-thirds of the products of +human labour, and then squander them in the most stupid and shameful +way. It is because, having reduced the masses to a point at which they +have not the means of subsistence for a month, or even for a week in +advance, the few can allow the many to work, only on the condition of +themselves receiving the lion's share. It is because these few prevent +the remainder of men from producing the things they need, and force them +to produce, not the necessaries of life for all, but whatever offers the +greatest profits to the monopolists. In this is the substance of all +Socialism.</p> + +<p>Take, indeed, a civilized country. The forests which once covered it +have been cleared, the marshes drained, the climate<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_4" id="Page_4"></a></span> improved. It has +been made habitable. The soil, which bore formerly only a coarse +vegetation, is covered to-day with rich harvests. The rock-walls in the +valleys are laid out in terraces and covered with vines. The wild +plants, which yielded nought but acrid berries, or uneatable roots, have +been transformed by generations of culture into succulent vegetables or +trees covered with delicious fruits. Thousands of highways and railroads +furrow the earth, and pierce the mountains. The shriek of the engine is +heard in the wild gorges of the Alps, the Caucasus, and the Himalayas. +The rivers have been made navigable; the coasts, carefully surveyed, are +easy of access; artificial harbours, laboriously dug out and protected +against the fury of the sea, afford shelter to the ships. Deep shafts +have been sunk in the rocks; labyrinths of underground galleries have +been dug out where coal may be raised or minerals extracted. At the +crossings of the highways great cities have sprung up, and within their +borders all the treasures of industry, science, and art have been +accumulated.</p> + +<p>Whole generations, that lived and died in misery, oppressed and +ill-treated by their masters, and worn out by toil, have handed on this +immense inheritance to our century.</p> + +<p>For thousands of years millions of men have laboured to clear the +forests, to drain the marshes, and to open up highways by land and +water. Every rood of soil we cultivate in Europe has been watered by the +sweat of several races of men. Every acre has its story of enforced +labour, of intolerable toil, of the people's sufferings. Every mile of +railway, every yard of tunnel, has received its share of human blood.</p> + +<p>The shafts of the mine still bear on their rocky walls the marks made by +the pick of the workman who toiled to excavate them. The space between +each prop in the underground galleries might be marked as a miner's +grave; and who can tell what each of these graves has cost, in tears, in +privations, in unspeakable wretchedness to the family who depended on +the scanty wage of the worker cut off in his prime by fire-damp, +rock-fall, or flood?</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_5" id="Page_5"></a></span></p><p>The cities, bound together by railroads and waterways, are organisms +which have lived through centuries. Dig beneath them and you find, one +above another, the foundations of streets, of houses, of theatres, of +public buildings. Search into their history and you will see how the +civilization of the town, its industry, its special characteristics, +have slowly grown and ripened through the co-operation of generations of +its inhabitants before it could become what it is to-day. And even +to-day, the value of each dwelling, factory, and warehouse, which has +been created by the accumulated labour of the millions of workers, now +dead and buried, is only maintained by the very presence and labour of +legions of the men who now inhabit that special corner of the globe. +Each of the atoms composing what we call the Wealth of Nations owes its +value to the fact that it is a part of the great whole. What would a +London dockyard or a great Paris warehouse be if they were not situated +in these great centres of international commerce? What would become of +our mines, our factories, our workshops, and our railways, without the +immense quantities of merchandise transported every day by sea and land?</p> + +<p>Millions of human beings have laboured to create this civilization on +which we pride ourselves to-day. Other millions, scattered through the +globe, labour to maintain it. Without them nothing would be left in +fifty years but ruins.</p> + +<p>There is not even a thought, or an invention, which is not common +property, born of the past and the present. Thousands of inventors, +known and unknown, who have died in poverty, have co-operated in the +invention of each of these machines which embody the genius of man.</p> + +<p>Thousands of writers, of poets, of scholars, have laboured to increase +knowledge, to dissipate error, and to create that atmosphere of +scientific thought, without which the marvels of our century could never +have appeared. And these thousands of philosophers, of poets, of +scholars, of inventors, have themselves been supported by the labour of +past centuries. They have been upheld and nourished through life, both +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_6" id="Page_6"></a></span>physically and mentally, by legions of workers and craftsmen of all +sorts. They have drawn their motive force from the environment.</p> + +<p>The genius of a S&eacute;guin, a Mayer, a Grove, has certainly done more to +launch industry in new directions than all the capitalists in the world. +But men of genius are themselves the children of industry as well as of +science. Not until thousands of steam-engines had been working for years +before all eyes, constantly transforming heat into dynamic force, and +this force into sound, light, and electricity, could the insight of +genius proclaim the mechanical origin and the unity of the physical +forces. And if we, children of the nineteenth century, have at last +grasped this idea, if we know now how to apply it, it is again because +daily experience has prepared the way. The thinkers of the eighteenth +century saw and declared it, but the idea remained undeveloped, because +the eighteenth century had not grown up like ours, side by side with the +steam-engine. Imagine the decades that might have passed while we +remained in ignorance of this law, which has revolutionized modern +industry, had Watt not found at Soho skilled workmen to embody his ideas +in metal, bringing all the parts of his engine to perfection, so that +steam, pent in a complete mechanism, and rendered more docile than a +horse, more manageable than water, became at last the very soul of +modern industry.</p> + +<p>Every machine has had the same history&mdash;a long record of sleepless +nights and of poverty, of disillusions and of joys, of partial +improvements discovered by several generations of nameless workers, who +have added to the original invention these little nothings, without +which the most fertile idea would remain fruitless. More than that: +every new invention is a synthesis, the resultant of innumerable +inventions which have preceded it in the vast field of mechanics and +industry.</p> + +<p>Science and industry, knowledge and application, discovery and practical +realization leading to new discoveries, cunning of brain and of hand, +toil of mind and muscle&mdash;all work together. Each discovery, each +advance, each increase in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_7" id="Page_7"></a></span> the sum of human riches, owes its being to +the physical and mental travail of the past and the present.</p> + +<p>By what right then can any one whatever appropriate the least morsel of +this immense whole and say&mdash;This is mine, not yours?</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>It has come about, however, in the course of the ages traversed by the +human race, that all that enables man to produce and to increase his +power of production has been seized by the few. Some time, perhaps, we +will relate how this came to pass. For the present let it suffice to +state the fact and analyze its consequences.</p> + +<p>To-day the soil, which actually owes its value to the needs of an +ever-increasing population, belongs to a minority who prevent the people +from cultivating it&mdash;or do not allow them to cultivate it according to +modern methods.</p> + +<p>The mines, though they represent the labour of several generations, and +derive their sole value from the requirements of the industry of a +nation and the density of the population&mdash;the mines also belong to the +few; and these few restrict the output of coal, or prevent it entirely, +if they find more profitable investments for their capital. Machinery, +too, has become the exclusive property of the few, and even when a +machine incontestably represents the improvements added to the original +rough invention by three or four generations of workers, it none the +less belongs to a few owners. And if the descendants of the very +inventor who constructed the first machine for lace-making, a century +ago, were to present themselves to-day in a lace factory at B&acirc;le or +Nottingham, and claim their rights, they would be told: "Hands off! this +machine is not yours," and they would be shot down if they attempted to +take possession of it.</p> + +<p>The railways, which would be useless as so much old iron without the +teeming population of Europe, its industry, its commerce, and its marts, +belong to a few shareholders,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_8" id="Page_8"></a></span> ignorant perhaps of the whereabouts of +the lines of rails which yield them revenues greater than those of +medieval kings. And if the children of those who perished by thousands +while excavating the railway cuttings and tunnels were to assemble one +day, crowding in their rags and hunger, to demand bread from the +shareholders, they would be met with bayonets and grapeshot, to disperse +them and safeguard "vested interests."</p> + +<p>In virtue of this monstrous system, the son of the worker, on entering +life, finds no field which he may till, no machine which he may tend, no +mine in which he may dig, without accepting to leave a great part of +what he will produce to a master. He must sell his labour for a scant +and uncertain wage. His father and his grandfather have toiled to drain +this field, to build this mill, to perfect this machine. They gave to +the work the full measure of their strength, and what more could they +give? But their heir comes into the world poorer than the lowest savage. +If he obtains leave to till the fields, it is on condition of +surrendering a quarter of the produce to his master, and another quarter +to the government and the middlemen. And this tax, levied upon him by +the State, the capitalist, the lord of the manor, and the middleman, is +always increasing; it rarely leaves him the power to improve his system +of culture. If he turns to industry, he is allowed to work&mdash;though not +always even that&mdash;only on condition that he yield a half or two-thirds +of the product to him whom the land recognizes as the owner of the +machine.</p> + +<p>We cry shame on the feudal baron who forbade the peasant to turn a clod +of earth unless he surrendered to his lord a fourth of his crop. We +called those the barbarous times. But if the forms have changed, the +relations have remained the same, and the worker is forced, under the +name of free contract, to accept feudal obligations. For, turn where he +will, he can find no better conditions. Everything has become private +property, and he must accept, or die of hunger.</p> + +<p>The result of this state of things is that all our production tends in a +wrong direction. Enterprise takes no thought for<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_9" id="Page_9"></a></span> the needs of the +community. Its only aim is to increase the gains of the speculator. +Hence the constant fluctuations of trade, the periodical industrial +crises, each of which throws scores of thousands of workers on the +streets.</p> + +<p>The working people cannot purchase with their wages the wealth which +they have produced, and industry seeks foreign markets among the monied +classes of other nations. In the East, in Africa, everywhere, in Egypt, +Tonkin or the Congo, the European is thus bound to promote the growth of +serfdom. And so he does. But soon he finds that everywhere there are +similar competitors. All the nations evolve on the same lines, and wars, +perpetual wars, break out for the right of precedence in the market. +Wars for the possession of the East, wars for the empire of the sea, +wars to impose duties on imports and to dictate conditions to +neighbouring states; wars against those "blacks" who revolt! The roar of +the cannon never ceases in the world, whole races are massacred, the +states of Europe spend a third of their budgets in armaments; and we +know how heavily these taxes fall on the workers.</p> + +<p>Education still remains the privilege of a small minority, for it is +idle to talk of education when the workman's child is forced, at the age +of thirteen, to go down into the mine or to help his father on the farm. +It is idle to talk of studying to the worker, who comes home in the +evening wearied by excessive toil, and its brutalizing atmosphere. +Society is thus bound to remain divided into two hostile camps, and in +such conditions freedom is a vain word. The Radical begins by demanding +a greater extension of political rights, but he soon sees that the +breath of liberty leads to the uplifting of the proletariat, and then he +turns round, changes his opinions, and reverts to repressive legislation +and government by the sword.</p> + +<p>A vast array of courts, judges, executioners, policemen, and gaolers is +needed to uphold these privileges; and this array gives rise in its turn +to a whole system of espionage, of false witness, of spies, of threats +and corruption.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_10" id="Page_10"></a></span></p><p>The system under which we live checks in its turn the growth of the +social sentiment. We all know that without uprightness, without +self-respect, without sympathy and mutual aid, human kind must perish, +as perish the few races of animals living by rapine, or the +slave-keeping ants. But such ideas are not to the taste of the ruling +classes, and they have elaborated a whole system of pseudo-science to +teach the contrary.</p> + +<p>Fine sermons have been preached on the text that those who have should +share with those who have not, but he who would carry out this principle +would be speedily informed that these beautiful sentiments are all very +well in poetry, but not in practice. "To lie is to degrade and besmirch +oneself," we say, and yet all civilized life becomes one huge lie. We +accustom ourselves and our children to hypocrisy, to the practice of a +double-faced morality. And since the brain is ill at ease among lies, we +cheat ourselves with sophistry. Hypocrisy and sophistry become the +second nature of the civilized man.</p> + +<p>But a society cannot live thus; it must return to truth, or cease to +exist.</p> + +<p>Thus the consequences which spring from the original act of monopoly +spread through the whole of social life. Under pain of death, human +societies are forced to return to first principles: the means of +production being the collective work of humanity, the product should be +the collective property of the race. Individual appropriation is neither +just nor serviceable. All belongs to all. All things are for all men, +since all men have need of them, since all men have worked in the +measure of their strength to produce them, and since it is not possible +to evaluate every one's part in the production of the world's wealth.</p> + +<p>All things for all. Here is an immense stock of tools and implements; +here are all those iron slaves which we call machines, which saw and +plane, spin and weave for us, unmaking and remaking, working up raw +matter to produce the marvels of our time. But nobody has the right to +seize a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_11" id="Page_11"></a></span> single one of these machines and say: "This is mine; if you +want to use it you must pay me a tax on each of your products," any more +than the feudal lord of medieval times had the right to say to the +peasant: "This hill, this meadow belong to me, and you must pay me a tax +on every sheaf of corn you reap, on every brick you build."</p> + +<p>All is for all! If the man and the woman bear their fair share of work, +they have a right to their fair share of all that is produced by all, +and that share is enough to secure them well-being. No more of such +vague formulas as "The right to work," or "To each the whole result of +his labour." What we proclaim is <span class="smcap">The Right to Well-Being: Well-Being for +All</span>!</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_12" id="Page_12"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_II" id="CHAPTER_II"></a>CHAPTER II</h2> + +<h3>WELL-BEING FOR ALL</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Well-being for all is not a dream. It is possible, realizable, owing to +all that our ancestors have done to increase our powers of production.</p> + +<p>We know, indeed, that the producers, although they constitute hardly +one-third of the inhabitants of civilized countries, even now produce +such quantities of goods that a certain degree of comfort could be +brought to every hearth. We know further that if all those who squander +to-day the fruits of others' toil were forced to employ their leisure in +useful work, our wealth would increase in proportion to the number of +producers, and more. Finally, we know that contrary to the theory +enunciated by Malthus&mdash;that Oracle of middle-class Economics&mdash;the +productive powers of the human race increase at a much more rapid ratio +than its powers of reproduction. The more thickly men are crowded on the +soil, the more rapid is the growth of their wealth-creating power.</p> + +<p>Thus, although the population of England has only increased from 1844 to +1890 by 62 per cent., its production has grown, even at the lowest +estimate, at double that rate&mdash;to wit, by 130 per cent. In France, where +the population has grown more slowly, the increase in production is +nevertheless very rapid. Notwithstanding the crises through which +agriculture is frequently passing, notwithstanding State interference, +the blood-tax (conscription), and speculative commerce and finance, the +production of wheat in France has increased four-fold, and industrial +production more than tenfold, in the course of the last eighty years. In +the United<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_13" id="Page_13"></a></span> States this progress is still more striking. In spite of +immigration, or rather precisely because of the influx of surplus +European labour, the United States have multiplied their wealth tenfold.</p> + +<p>However, these figures give but a very faint idea of what our wealth +might become under better conditions. For alongside of the rapid +development of our wealth-producing powers we have an overwhelming +increase in the ranks of the idlers and middlemen. Instead of capital +gradually concentrating itself in a few hands, so that it would only be +necessary for the community to dispossess a few millionaires and enter +upon its lawful heritage&mdash;instead of this Socialist forecast proving +true, the exact reverse is coming to pass: the swarm of parasites is +ever increasing.</p> + +<p>In France there are not ten actual producers to every thirty +inhabitants. The whole agricultural wealth of the country is the work of +less than seven millions of men, and in the two great industries, mining +and the textile trades, you will find that the workers number less than +two and one-half millions. But the exploiters of labour, how many are +they? In the United Kingdom a little over one million workers&mdash;men, +women, and children, are employed in all the textile trades; less than +nine hundred thousand work the mines; much less than two million till +the ground, and it appeared from the last industrial census that only a +little over four million men, women and children were employed in all +the industries.<a name="FNanchor_1_1" id="FNanchor_1_1"></a><a href="#Footnote_1_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> So that the statisticians have to exaggerate all the +figures in order to establish a maximum of eight million producers to +forty-five million inhabitants. Strictly speaking the creators of the +goods exported from Britain to all the ends of the earth comprise only +from six to seven million workers. And what is the number of the +shareholders and middlemen who levy the first fruits of labour from far +and near, and heap up<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_14" id="Page_14"></a></span> unearned gains by thrusting themselves between +the producer and the consumer?</p> + +<p>Nor is this all. The owners of capital constantly reduce the output by +restraining production. We need not speak of the cartloads of oysters +thrown into the sea to prevent a dainty, hitherto reserved for the rich, +from becoming a food for the people. We need not speak of the thousand +and one luxuries&mdash;stuffs, foods, etc., etc.&mdash;treated after the same +fashion as the oysters. It is enough to remember the way in which the +production of the most necessary things is limited. Legions of miners +are ready and willing to dig out coal every day, and send it to those +who are shivering with cold; but too often a third, or even one-half, of +their number are forbidden to work more than three days a week, because, +forsooth, the price of coal must be kept up! Thousands of weavers are +forbidden to work the looms, although their wives and children go in +rags, and although three-quarters of the population of Europe have no +clothing worthy the name.</p> + +<p>Hundreds of blast-furnaces, thousands of factories periodically stand +idle, others only work half-time&mdash;and in every civilized nation there is +a permanent population of about two million individuals who ask only for +work, but to whom work is denied.</p> + +<p>How gladly would these millions of men set to work to reclaim waste +lands, or to transform ill-cultivated land into fertile fields, rich in +harvests! A year of well-directed toil would suffice to multiply +fivefold the produce of those millions of acres in this country which +lie idle now as "permanent pasture," or of those dry lands in the south +of France which now yield only about eight bushels of wheat per acre. +But men, who would be happy to become hardy pioneers in so many branches +of wealth-producing activity, must remain idle because the owners of the +soil, the mines and the factories prefer to invest their capital&mdash;taken +in the first place from the community&mdash;in Turkish or Egyptian bonds, or +in Patagonian gold mines, and so make Egyptian fellahs, Italian +emigrants, and Chinese coolies their wage-slaves.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_15" id="Page_15"></a></span></p><p>This is the direct and deliberate limitation of production; but there +is also a limitation indirect and not of set purpose, which consists in +spending human toil on objects absolutely useless, or destined only to +satisfy the dull vanity of the rich.</p> + +<p>It is impossible to reckon in figures the extent to which wealth is +restricted indirectly, the extent to which energy is squandered, while +it might have served to produce, and above all to prepare the machinery +necessary to production. It is enough to cite the immense sums spent by +Europe in armaments, for the sole purpose of acquiring control of +markets, and so forcing her own goods on neighbouring territories, and +making exploitation easier at home; the millions paid every year to +officials of all sorts, whose function it is to maintain the "rights" of +minorities&mdash;the right, that is, of a few rich men&mdash;to manipulate the +economic activities of the nation; the millions spent on judges, +prisons, policemen, and all the paraphernalia of so-called +justice&mdash;spent to no purpose, because we know that every alleviation, +however slight, of the wretchedness of our great cities is always +followed by a considerable diminution of crime; lastly, the millions +spent on propagating pernicious doctrines by means of the press, and +news "cooked" in the interest of this or that party, of this politician +or of that group of speculators.</p> + +<p>But over and above this we must take into account all the labour that +goes to sheer waste,&mdash;here, in keeping up the stables, the kennels, and +the retinue of the rich; there, in pandering to the caprices of society +and the depraved tastes of the fashionable mob; there again, in forcing +the consumer to buy what he does not need, or foisting an inferior +article upon him by means of puffery, and in producing on the other hand +wares which are absolutely injurious, but profitable to the +manufacturer. What is squandered in this manner would be enough to +double the production of useful things, or so to plenish our mills and +factories with machinery that they would soon flood the shops with all +that is now lacking to two-thirds of the nation. Under our present +system a full quarter of the producers in every nation are forced to be +idle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_16" id="Page_16"></a></span> for three or four months in the year, and the labour of another +quarter, if not of the half, has no better results than the amusement of +the rich or the exploitation of the public.</p> + +<p>Thus, if we consider on the one hand the rapidity with which civilized +nations augment their powers of production, and on the other hand the +limits set to that production, be it directly or indirectly, by existing +conditions, we cannot but conclude that an economic system a trifle more +reasonable would permit them to heap up in a few years so many useful +products that they would be constrained to say&mdash;"Enough! We have enough +coal and bread and raiment! Let us rest and consider how best to use our +powers, how best to employ our leisure."</p> + +<p>No, plenty for all is not a dream&mdash;though it was a dream indeed in those +days when man, for all his pains, could hardly win a few bushels of +wheat from an acre of land, and had to fashion by hand all the +implements he used in agriculture and industry. Now it is no longer a +dream, because man has invented a motor which, with a little iron and a +few sacks of coal, gives him the mastery of a creature strong and docile +as a horse, and capable of setting the most complicated machinery in +motion.</p> + +<p>But, if plenty for all is to become a reality, this immense +capital&mdash;cities, houses, pastures, arable lands, factories, highways, +education&mdash;must cease to be regarded as private property, for the +monopolist to dispose of at his pleasure.</p> + +<p>This rich endowment, painfully won, builded, fashioned, or invented by +our ancestors, must become common property, so that the collective +interests of men may gain from it the greatest good for all.</p> + +<p>There must be <span class="smcap">Expropriation</span>. The well-being of all&mdash;the end; +expropriation&mdash;the means.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>Expropriation, such then is the problem which History has put before the +men of the twentieth century: the return<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_17" id="Page_17"></a></span> to Communism in all that +ministers to the well-being of man.</p> + +<p>But this problem cannot be solved by means of legislation. No one +imagines that. The poor, as well as the rich, understand that neither +the existing Governments, nor any which might arise out of possible +political changes, would be capable of finding such a solution. They +feel the necessity of a social revolution; and both rich and poor +recognize that this revolution is imminent, that it may break out in a +few years.</p> + +<p>A great change in thought has taken place during the last half of the +nineteenth century; but suppressed, as it was, by the propertied +classes, and denied its natural development, this new spirit must now +break its bonds by violence and realize itself in a revolution.</p> + +<p>Whence will the revolution come? how will it announce its coming? No one +can answer these questions. The future is hidden. But those who watch +and think do not misinterpret the signs: workers and exploiters, +Revolutionists and Conservatives, thinkers and men of action, all feel +that a revolution is at our doors.</p> + +<p>Well, then,&mdash;What are we going to do when the thunderbolt has fallen?</p> + +<p>We have all been bent on studying the dramatic side of revolutions so +much, and the practical work of revolutions so little, that we are apt +to see only the stage effects, so to speak, of these great movements; +the fight of the first days; the barricades. But this fight, this first +skirmish, is soon ended, and it only after the breakdown of the old +system that the real work of revolution can be said to begin.</p> + +<p>Effete and powerless, attacked on all sides, the old rulers are soon +swept away by the breath of insurrection. In a few days the middle-class +monarchy of 1848 was no more, and while Louis Philippe was making good +his escape in a cab, Paris had already forgotten her "citizen king." The +government of Thiers disappeared, on the 18th of March, 1871, in a few +hours, leaving Paris mistress of her destinies. Yet 1848 and 1871 were +only insurrections. Before a popular revolution the masters of "the old +order" disappear with a <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_18" id="Page_18"></a></span>surprising rapidity. Its upholders fly the +country, to plot in safety elsewhere and to devise measures for their +return.</p> + +<p>The former Government having disappeared, the army, hesitating before +the tide of popular opinion, no longer obeys its commanders, who have +also prudently decamped. The troops stand by without interfering, or +join the rebels. The police, standing at ease, are uncertain whether to +belabour the crowd, or to cry: "Long live the Commune!" while some +retire to their quarters to "await the pleasure of the new Government." +Wealthy citizens pack their trunks and betake themselves to places of +safety. The people remain. This is how a revolution is ushered in.</p> + +<p>In several large towns the Commune is proclaimed. In the streets wander +scores of thousands of men, and in the evening they crowd into +improvised clubs, asking: "What shall we do?" and ardently discuss +public affairs. All take an interest in them; those who yesterday were +quite indifferent are perhaps the most zealous. Everywhere there is +plenty of good-will and a keen desire to make victory certain. It is a +time when acts of supreme devotion are occurring. The masses of the +people are full of the desire of going forward.</p> + +<p>All this is splendid, sublime; but still, it is not a revolution. Nay, +it is only now that the work of the revolutionist begins.</p> + +<p>Doubtless there will be acts of vengeance. The Watrins and the Thomases +will pay the penalty of their unpopularity; but these are mere incidents +of the struggle&mdash;not the revolution.</p> + +<p>Socialist politicians, radicals, neglected geniuses of journalism, stump +orators&mdash;both middle-class people and workmen&mdash;will hurry to the Town +Hall, to the Government offices, to take possession of the vacant seats. +Some will decorate themselves with gold and silver lace to their hearts' +content, admire themselves in ministerial mirrors, and study to give +orders with an air of importance appropriate to their new position. How +could they impress their comrades of the office or the workshop without +having a red sash, an embroidered cap, and magisterial gestures! Others +will bury themselves in official<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_19" id="Page_19"></a></span> papers, trying, with the best of +wills, to make head or tail of them. They will indite laws and issue +high-flown worded decrees that nobody will take the trouble to carry +out&mdash;because revolution has come.</p> + +<p>To give themselves an authority which they have not they will seek the +sanction of old forms of Government. They will take the names of +"Provisional Government," "Committee of Public Safety," "Mayor," +"Governor of the Town Hall," "Commissioner of Public Safety," and what +not. Elected or acclaimed, they will assemble in Boards or in Communal +Councils, where men of ten or twenty different schools will come +together, representing&mdash;not as many "private chapels," as it is often +said, but as many different conceptions regarding the scope, the +bearing, and the goal of the revolution. Possibilists, Collectivists, +Radicals, Jacobins, Blanquists, will be thrust together, and waste time +in wordy warfare. Honest men will be huddled together with the ambitious +ones, whose only dream is power and who spurn the crowd whence they are +sprung. All coming together with diametrically opposed views, +all&mdash;forced to enter into ephemeral alliances, in order to create +majorities that can but last a day. Wrangling, calling each other +reactionaries, authoritarians, and rascals, incapable of coming to an +understanding on any serious measure, dragged into discussions about +trifles, producing nothing better than bombastic proclamations; all +giving themselves an awful importance while the real strength of the +movement is in the streets.</p> + +<p>All this may please those who like the stage, but it is not revolution. +Nothing has been accomplished as yet.</p> + +<p>And meanwhile the people suffer. The factories are idle, the workshops +closed; trade is at a standstill. The worker does not even earn the +meagre wage which was his before. Food goes up in price. With that +heroic devotion which has always characterized them, and which in great +crises reaches the sublime, the people will wait patiently. "We place +these three months of want at the service of the Republic," they said in +1848, while "their representatives" and the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_20" id="Page_20"></a></span>gentlemen of the new +Government, down to the meanest Jack-in-office received their salary +regularly.</p> + +<p>The people suffer. With the childlike faith, with the good humour of the +masses who believe in their leaders, they think that "yonder," in the +House, in the Town Hall, in the Committee of Public Safety, their +welfare is being considered. But "yonder" they are discussing everything +under the sun except the welfare of the people. In 1793, while famine +ravaged France and crippled the Revolution; whilst the people were +reduced to the depths of misery, although the Champs Elys&eacute;es were lined +with luxurious carriages where women displayed their jewels and +splendour, Robespierre was urging the Jacobins to discuss his treatise +on the English Constitution. While the worker was suffering in 1848 from +the general stoppage of trade, the Provisional Government and the +National Assembly were wrangling over military pensions and prison +labour, without troubling how the people managed to live during the +terrible crisis. And could one cast a reproach at the Paris Commune, +which was born beneath the Prussian cannon, and lasted only seventy +days, it would be for this same error&mdash;this failure to understand that +the Revolution could not triumph unless those who fought on its side +were fed: that on fifteen pence a day a man cannot fight on the ramparts +and at the same time support a family.</p> + +<p>The people will suffer and say: "How is a way out of these difficulties +to be found?"</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>It seems to us that there is only one answer to this question: We must +recognize, and loudly proclaim, that every one, whatever his grade in +the old society, whether strong or weak, capable or incapable, has, +before everything, <span class="smaller">THE RIGHT TO LIVE</span>, and that society is bound to share +amongst all, without exception, the means of existence it has at its +disposal. We must acknowledge this, and proclaim it aloud, and act up to +it.</p> + +<p>Affairs must be managed in such a way that from the first<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_21" id="Page_21"></a></span> day of the +revolution the worker shall know that a new era is opening before him; +that henceforward none need crouch under the bridges, while palaces are +hard by, none need fast in the midst of plenty, none need perish with +cold near shops full of furs; that all is for all, in practice as well +as in theory, and that at last, for the first time in history, a +revolution has been accomplished which considers the <span class="smaller">NEEDS</span> of the people +before schooling them in their <span class="smaller">DUTIES</span>.</p> + +<p>This cannot be brought about by Acts of Parliament, but only by taking +immediate and effective possession of all that is necessary to ensure +the well-being of all; this is the only really scientific way of going +to work, the only way which can be understood and desired by the mass of +the people. We must take possession, in the name of the people, of the +granaries, the shops full of clothing and the dwelling houses. Nothing +must be wasted. We must organize without delay a way to feed the hungry, +to satisfy all wants, to meet all needs, to produce not for the special +benefit of this one or that one, but so as to ensure to society as a +whole its life and further development.</p> + +<p>Enough of ambiguous words like "the right to work," with which the +people were misled in 1848, and which are still resorted to with the +hope of misleading them. Let us have the courage to recognise that +<i>Well-being for all</i>, henceforward possible, must be realized.</p> + +<p>When the workers claimed the right to work in 1848, national and +municipal workshops were organized, and workmen were sent to drudge +there at the rate of 1s. 8d. a day! When they asked the "Organization of +Labour," the reply was: "Patience, friends, the Government will see to +it; meantime here is your 1s. 8d. Rest now, brave toiler, after your +life-long struggle for food!" And in the meantime the cannons were +overhauled, the reserves called out, and the workers themselves +disorganized by the many methods well known to the middle classes, till +one fine day, in June, 1848, four months after the overthrow of the +previous Government, they were told to go and colonize Africa, or be +shot down.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_22" id="Page_22"></a></span></p> + +<p>Very different will be the result if the workers claim the <span class="smcap">Right To +Well-being</span>! In claiming that right they claim the right to take +possession of the wealth of the community&mdash;to take houses to dwell in +according to the needs of each family; to socialize the stores of food +and learn the meaning of plenty, after having known famine too well. +They proclaim their right to all social wealth&mdash;fruit of the labour of +past and present generations&mdash;and learn by its means to enjoy those +higher pleasures of art and science which have too long been monopolized +by the rich.</p> + +<p>And while asserting their right to live in comfort, they assert, what is +still more important, their right to decide for themselves what this +comfort shall be, what must be produced to ensure it, and what discarded +as no longer of value.</p> + +<p>The "right to well-being" means the possibility of living like human +beings, and of bringing up children to be members of a society better +than ours, whilst the "right to work" only means the right to be always +a wage-slave, a drudge, ruled over and exploited by the middle class of +the future. The right to well-being is the Social Revolution, the right +to work means nothing but the Treadmill of Commercialism. It is high +time for the worker to assert his right to the common inheritance, and +to enter into possession of it.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_1_1" id="Footnote_1_1"></a><a href="#FNanchor_1_1"><span class="label">[1]</span></a> 4,013,711 now employed in all the 53 branches of different +industries, including the State Ordnance Works, and 241,530 workers +engaged in the Construction and Maintenance of Railways, their aggregate +production reaching the value of &pound;1,041,037,000, and the net output +being &pound;406,799,000.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_23" id="Page_23"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_III" id="CHAPTER_III"></a>CHAPTER III</h2> + +<h3>ANARCHIST COMMUNISM</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Every society, on abolishing private property will be forced, we +maintain, to organize itself on the lines of Communistic Anarchy. +Anarchy leads to Communism, and Communism to Anarchy, both alike being +expressions of the predominant tendency in modern societies, the pursuit +of equality.</p> + +<p>Time was when a peasant family could consider the corn it sowed and +reaped, or the woolen garments woven in the cottage, as the products of +its own soil. But even then this way of looking at things was not quite +correct. There were the roads and the bridges made in common, the swamps +drained by common toil, the communal pastures enclosed by hedges which +were kept in repair by each and all. If the looms for weaving or the +dyes for colouring fabrics were improved by somebody, all profited; and +even in those days a peasant family could not live alone, but was +dependent in a thousand ways on the village or the commune.</p> + +<p>But nowadays, in the present state of industry, when everything is +interdependent, when each branch of production is knit up with all the +rest, the attempt to claim an Individualist origin for the products of +industry is absolutely untenable. The astonishing perfection attained by +the textile or mining industries in civilized countries is due to the +simultaneous development of a thousand other industries, great and +small, to the extension of the railroad system, to inter-oceanic +navigation, to the manual skill of thousands of workers, to a certain +standard of culture reached by the working class as a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_24" id="Page_24"></a></span> whole&mdash;to the +labours, in short, of men in every corner of the globe.</p> + +<p>The Italians who died of cholera while making the Suez Canal, or of +anchylosis in the St. Gothard Tunnel, and the Americans mowed down by +shot and shell while fighting for the abolition of slavery, have helped +to develop the cotton industry of France and England, as well as the +work-girls who languish in the factories of Manchester and Rouen, and +the inventor who (following the suggestion of some worker) succeeds in +improving the looms.</p> + +<p>How then, shall we estimate the share of each in the riches which <span class="smaller">ALL</span> +contribute to amass?</p> + +<p>Looking at production from this general, synthetic point of view, we +cannot hold with the Collectivists that payment proportionate to the +hours of labour rendered by each would be an ideal arrangement, or even +a step in the right direction.</p> + +<p>Without discussing whether exchange value of goods is really measured in +existing societies by the amount of work necessary to produce +it&mdash;according to the teaching of Adam Smith and Ricardo, in whose +footsteps Marx has followed&mdash;suffice it to say here, leaving ourselves +free to return to the subject later, that the Collectivist ideal appears +to us untenable in a society which considers the instruments of labour +as a common inheritance. Starting from this principle, such a society +would find itself forced from the very outset to abandon all forms of +wages.</p> + +<p>The migrated individualism of the Collectivist system certainly could +not maintain itself alongside a partial communism&mdash;the socialization of +land and the instruments of production. A new form of property requires +a new form of remuneration. A new method of production cannot exist side +by side with the old forms of consumption, any more than it can adapt +itself to the old forms of political organization.</p> + +<p>The wage system arises out of the individual ownership of the land and +the instruments of labour. It was the necessary condition for the +development of capitalist production, and will perish with it, in spite +of the attempt to disguise<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_25" id="Page_25"></a></span> it as "profit-sharing." The common +possession of the instruments of labour must necessarily bring with it +the enjoyment in common of the fruits of common labour.</p> + +<p>We hold further that Communism is not only desirable, but that existing +societies, founded on Individualism, <i>are inevitably impelled in the +direction of Communism</i>. The development of Individualism during the +last three centuries is explained by the efforts of the individual to +protect himself from the tyranny of Capital and of the State. For a time +he imagined, and those who expressed his thought for him declared, that +he could free himself entirely from the State and from society. "By +means of money," he said, "I can buy all that I need." But the +individual was on a wrong track, and modern history has taught him to +recognize that, without the help of all, he can do nothing, although his +strong-boxes are full of gold.</p> + +<p>In fact, along this current of Individualism, we find in all modern +history a tendency, on the one hand to retain all that remains of the +partial Communism of antiquity, and, on the other, to establish the +Communist principle in the thousand developments of modern life.</p> + +<p>As soon as the communes of the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth centuries +had succeeded in emancipating themselves from their lords, +ecclesiastical or lay, their communal labour and communal consumption +began to extend and develop rapidly. The township&mdash;and not private +persons&mdash;freighted ships and equipped expeditions, for the export of +their manufacture, and the benefit arising from the foreign trade did +not accrue to individuals, but was shared by all. At the outset, the +townships also bought provisions for all their citizens. Traces of these +institutions have lingered on into the nineteenth century, and the +people piously cherish the memory of them in their legends.</p> + +<p>All that has disappeared. But the rural township still struggles to +preserve the last traces of this Communism, and it succeeds&mdash;except when +the State throws its heavy sword into the balance.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_26" id="Page_26"></a></span></p><p>Meanwhile new organizations, based on the same principle&mdash;<i>to every man +according to his needs</i>&mdash;spring up under a thousand different forms; for +without a certain leaven of Communism the present societies could not +exist. In spite of the narrowly egoistic turn given to men's minds by +the commercial system, the tendency towards Communism is constantly +appearing, and it influences our activities in a variety of ways.</p> + +<p>The bridges, for the use of which a toll was levied in the old days, +have become public property and are free to all; so are the high roads, +except in the East, where a toll is still exacted from the traveller for +every mile of his journey. Museums, free libraries, free schools, free +meals for children; parks and gardens open to all; streets paved and +lighted, free to all; water supplied to every house without measure or +stint&mdash;all such arrangements are founded on the principle: "Take what +you need."</p> + +<p>The tramways and railways have already introduced monthly and annual +season tickets, without limiting the number of journeys taken; and two +nations, Hungary and Russia, have introduced on their railways the zone +system, which permits the holder to travel five hundred or eight hundred +miles for the same price. It is but a short step from that to a uniform +charge, such as already prevails in the postal service. In all these +innovations, and in a thousand others, the tendency is not to measure +the individual consumption. One man wants to travel eight hundred miles, +another five hundred. These are personal requirements. There is no +sufficient reason why one should pay twice as much as the other because +his need is twice as great. Such are the signs which appear even now in +our individualist societies.</p> + +<p>Moreover, there is a tendency, though still a feeble one, to consider +the needs of the individual, irrespective of his past or possible +services to the community. We are beginning to think of society as a +whole, each part of which is so intimately bound up with the others that +a service rendered to one is a service rendered to all.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_27" id="Page_27"></a></span></p><p>When you go to a public library&mdash;not indeed the National Library of +Paris, but, say, into the British Museum or the Berlin Library&mdash;the +librarian does not ask what services you have rendered to society before +giving you the book, or the fifty books, which you require; he even +comes to your assistance if you do not know how to manage the catalogue. +By means of uniform credentials&mdash;and very often a contribution of work +is preferred&mdash;the scientific society opens its museums, its gardens, its +library, its laboratories, and its annual conversaziones to each of its +members, whether he be a Darwin, or a simple amateur.</p> + +<p>At St. Petersburg, if you are elaborating an invention, you go into a +special laboratory, where you are given a place, a carpenter's bench, a +turning lathe, all the necessary tools and scientific instruments, +provided only you know how to use them; and you are allowed to work +there as long as you please. There are the tools; interest others in +your idea; join with fellow workers skilled in various crafts, or work +alone if you prefer it. Invent a flying machine, or invent nothing&mdash;that +is your own affair. You are pursuing an idea&mdash;that is enough.</p> + +<p>In the same way, those who man the lifeboat do not ask credentials from +the crew of a sinking ship; they launch their boat, risk their lives in +the raging waves, and sometimes perish, all to save men whom they do not +even know. And what need to know them? "They are human beings, and they +need our aid&mdash;that is enough, that establishes their right&mdash;&mdash; To the +rescue!"</p> + +<p>Thus we find a tendency, eminently communistic, springing up on all +sides, and in various guises, in the very heart of theoretically +individualist societies.</p> + +<p>Suppose that one of our great cities, so egotistic in ordinary times, +were visited to-morrow by some calamity&mdash;a siege, for instance&mdash;that +same selfish city would decide that the first needs to satisfy were +those of the children and the aged. Without asking what services they +had rendered, or were likely to render to society, it would first of all +feed them. Then the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_28" id="Page_28"></a></span> combatants would be cared for, irrespective of the +courage or the intelligence which each had displayed, and thousands of +men and women would outvie each other in unselfish devotion to the +wounded.</p> + +<p>This tendency exists, and is felt as soon as the most pressing needs of +each are satisfied, and in proportion as the productive power of the +race increases. It becomes an active force every time a great idea comes +to oust the mean preoccupations of everyday life.</p> + +<p>How can we doubt, then, that when the instruments of production are +placed at the service of all, when business is conducted on Communist +principles, when labour, having recovered its place of honour in +society, produces much more than is necessary to all&mdash;how can we doubt +that this force (already so powerful), will enlarge its sphere of action +till it becomes the ruling principle of social life?</p> + +<p>Following these indications, and considering further the practical side +of expropriation, of which we shall speak in the following chapters, we +are convinced that our first obligation, when the revolution shall have +broken the power upholding the present system, will be to realize +Communism without delay.</p> + +<p>But ours is neither the Communism of Fourier and the Phalansteriens, nor +of the German State Socialists. It is Anarchist Communism, Communism +without government&mdash;the Communism of the Free. It is the synthesis of +the two ideals pursued by humanity throughout the ages&mdash;Economic and +Political Liberty.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>In taking "Anarchy" for our ideal of political organization we are only +giving expression to another marked tendency of human progress. Whenever +European societies have developed up to a certain point, they have +shaken off the yoke of authority and substituted a system founded more +or less on the principles of individual liberty. And history shows us +that these periods of partial or general revolution, when the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_29" id="Page_29"></a></span> old +governments were overthrown, were also periods of sudden, progress both +in the economic and the intellectual field. So it was after the +enfranchisement of the communes, whose monuments, produced by the free +labour of the guilds, have never been surpassed; so it was after the +great peasant uprising which brought about the Reformation and +imperilled the papacy; and so it was again with the society, free for a +brief space, which was created on the other side of the Atlantic by the +malcontents from the Old world.</p> + +<p>And, if we observe the present development of civilized nations, we see, +most unmistakably, a movement ever more and more marked tending to limit +the sphere of action of the Government, and to allow more and more +liberty to the individual. This evolution is going on before our eyes, +though cumbered by the ruins and rubbish of old institutions and old +superstitions. Like all evolutions, it only waits a revolution to +overthrow the old obstacles which block the way, that it may find free +scope in a regenerated society.</p> + +<p>After having striven long in vain to solve the insoluble problem&mdash;the +problem of constructing a government "which will constrain the +individual to obedience without itself ceasing to be the servant of +society," men at last attempt to free themselves from every form of +government and to satisfy their need for organization by free contacts +between individuals and groups pursuing the same aim. The independence +of each small territorial unit becomes a pressing need; mutual agreement +replaces law in order to regulate individual interests in view of a +common object&mdash;very often disregarding the frontiers of the present +States.</p> + +<p>All that was once looked on as a function of the Government is to-day +called in question. Things are arranged more easily and more +satisfactorily without the intervention of the State. And in studying +the progress made in this direction, we are led to conclude that the +tendency of the human race is to reduce Government interference to zero; +in fact, to abolish the State, the personification of injustice, +oppression, and monopoly.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_30" id="Page_30"></a></span></p><p>We can already catch glimpses of a world in which the bonds which bind +the individual are no longer laws, but social habits&mdash;the result of the +need felt by each one of us to seek the support, the co-operation, the +sympathy of his neighbours.</p> + +<p>Assuredly the idea of a society without a State will give rise to at +least as many objections as the political economy of a society without +private capital. We have all been brought up from our childhood to +regard the State as a sort of Providence; all our education, the Roman +history we learned at school, the Byzantine code which we studied later +under the name of Roman law, and the various sciences taught at the +universities, accustom us to believe in Government and in the virtues of +the State providential.</p> + +<p>To maintain this superstition whole systems of philosophy have been +elaborated and taught; all politics are based on this principle; and +each politician, whatever his colours, comes forward and says to the +people, "Give my party the power; we can and we will free you from the +miseries which press so heavily upon you."</p> + +<p>From the cradle to the grave all our actions are guided by this +principle. Open any book on sociology or jurisprudence, and you will +find there the Government, its organization, its acts, filling so large +a place that we come to believe that there is nothing outside the +Government and the world of statesmen.</p> + +<p>The Press teaches us the same in every conceivable way. Whole columns +are devoted to parliamentary debates and to political intrigues; while +the vast everyday life of a nation appears only in the columns given to +economic subjects, or in the pages devoted to reports of police and law +cases. And when you read the newspapers, your hardly think of the +incalculable number of beings&mdash;all humanity, so to say&mdash;who grow up and +die, who know sorrow, who work and consume, think and create outside the +few encumbering personages who have been so magnified that humanity is +hidden by their shadows, enlarged by our ignorance.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_31" id="Page_31"></a></span></p><p>And yet as soon as we pass from printed matter to life itself, as soon +as we throw a glance at society, we are struck by the infinitesimal part +played by the Government. Balzac already has remarked how millions of +peasants spend the whole of their lives without knowing anything about +the State, save the heavy taxes they are compelled to pay. Every day +millions of transactions are made without Government intervention, and +the greatest of them&mdash;those of commerce and of the Exchange&mdash;are carried +on in such a way that the Government could not be appealed to if one of +the contracting parties had the intention of not fulfilling his +agreement. Should you speak to a man who understands commerce, he will +tell you that the everyday business transacted by merchants would be +absolutely impossible were it not based on mutual confidence. The habit +of keeping his word, the desire not to lose his credit, amply suffice to +maintain this relative honesty. The man who does not feel the slightest +remorse when poisoning his customers with noxious drugs covered with +pompous labels, thinks he is in honour bound to keep his engagements. +But if this relative morality has developed under present conditions, +when enrichment is the only incentive and the only aim, can we doubt its +rapid progress when appropriation of the fruits of others' labour will +no longer be the basis of society?</p> + +<p>Another striking fact, which especially characterizes our generation, +speaks still more in favour of our ideas. It is the continual extension +of the field of enterprise due to private initiative, and the prodigious +development of free organizations of all kinds. We shall discuss this +more at length in the chapter devoted to <i>Free Agreement</i>. Suffice it to +mention that the facts are so numerous and so customary that they are +the essence of the second half of the nineteenth century, even though +political and socialist writers ignore them, always preferring to talk +to us about the functions of the Government.</p> + +<p>These organizations, free and infinitely varied, are so natural an +outcome of our civilization; they expand so rapidly and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_32" id="Page_32"></a></span> federate with +so much ease; they are so necessary a result of the continual growth of +the needs of civilized man; and lastly, they so advantageously replace +governmental interference, that we must recognize in them a factor of +growing importance in the life of societies. If they do not yet spread +over the whole of the manifestations of life, it is that they find an +insurmountable obstacle in the poverty of the worker, in the divisions +of present society, in the private appropriation of capital, and in the +State. Abolish these obstacles, and you will see them covering the +immense field of civilized man's activity.</p> + +<p>The history of the last fifty years furnishes a living proof that +Representative Government is impotent to discharge all the functions we +have sought to assign to it. In days to come the nineteenth century will +be quoted as having witnessed the failure of parliamentarianism.</p> + +<p>This impotence is becoming so evident to all; the faults of +parliamentarianism, and the inherent vices of the representative +principle, are so self-evident, that the few thinkers who have made a +critical study of them (J. S. Mill, Leverdays), did but give literary +form to the popular dissatisfaction. It is not difficult, indeed, to see +the absurdity of naming a few men and saying to them, "Make laws +regulating all our spheres of activity, although not one of you knows +anything about them!"</p> + +<p>We are beginning to see that government by majorities means abandoning +all the affairs of the country to the tide-waiters who make up the +majorities in the House and in election committees; to those, in a word, +who have no opinion of their own.</p> + +<p>Mankind is seeking and already finding new issues. The International +Postal Union, the railway unions, and the learned societies give us +examples of solutions based on free agreement in place and stead of law.</p> + +<p>To-day, when groups scattered far and wide wish to organize themselves +for some object or other, they no longer elect an international +parliament of Jacks-of-all-trades. They <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_33" id="Page_33"></a></span>proceed in a different way. +Where it is not possible to meet directly or come to an agreement by +correspondence, delegates versed in the question at issue are sent, and +they are told: "Endeavour to come to an agreement on such or such a +question, and then return, not with a law in your pocket, but with a +proposition of agreement which we may or may not accept."</p> + +<p>Such is the method of the great industrial companies, the learned +societies, and numerous associations of every description, which already +cover Europe and the United States. And such will be the method of a +free society. A society founded on serfdom is in keeping with absolute +monarchy; a society based on the wage system and the exploitation of the +masses by the capitalists finds its political expression in +parliamentarianism. But a free society, regaining possession of the +common inheritance, must seek in free groups and free federations of +groups, a new organization, in harmony with the new economic phase of +history.</p> + +<p>Every economic phase has a political phase corresponding to it, and it +would be impossible to touch private property unless a new mode of +political life be found at the same time.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_34" id="Page_34"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IV" id="CHAPTER_IV"></a>CHAPTER IV</h2> + +<h3>EXPROPRIATION</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>It is told of Rothschild that, seeing his fortune threatened by the +Revolution of 1848, he hit upon the following stratagem: "I am quite +willing to admit," said he, "that my fortune has been accumulated at the +expense of others; but if it were divided to-morrow among the millions +of Europe, the share of each would only amount to four shillings. Very +well, then, I undertake to render to each his four shillings if he asks +me for it."</p> + +<p>Having given due publicity to his promise, our millionaire proceeded as +usual to stroll quietly through the streets of Frankfort. Three or four +passers-by asked for their four shillings, which he disbursed with a +sardonic smile. His stratagem succeeded, and the family of the +millionaire is still in possession of its wealth.</p> + +<p>It is in much the same fashion that the shrewed heads among the middle +classes reason when they say, "Ah, Expropriation! I know what that +means. You take all the overcoats and lay them in a heap, and every one +is free to help himself and fight for the best."</p> + +<p>But such jests are irrelevant as well as flippant. What we want is not a +redistribution of overcoats, although it must be said that even in such +a case, the shivering folk would see advantage in it. Nor do we want to +divide up the wealth of the Rothschilds. What we do want is so to +arrange things that every human being born into the world shall be +ensured the opportunity, in the first instance of learning some useful +occupation, and of becoming skilled in it; and next, that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_35" id="Page_35"></a></span> he shall be +free to work at his trade without asking leave of master or owner, and +without handing over to landlord or capitalist the lion's share of what +he produces. As to the wealth held by the Rothschilds or the +Vanderbilts, it will serve us to organize our system of communal +production.</p> + +<p>The day when the labourer may till the ground without paying away half +of what he produces, the day when the machines necessary to prepare the +soil for rich harvests are at the free disposal of the cultivators, the +day when the worker in the factory produces for the community and not +the monopolist&mdash;that day will see the workers clothed and fed, and there +will be no more Rothschilds or other exploiters.</p> + +<p>No one will then have to sell his working power for a wage that only +represents a fraction of what he produces.</p> + +<p>"So far, so good," say our critics, "but you will have Rothschilds +coming in from the outside. How are you to prevent a person from +amassing millions in China, and then settling amongst you? How are you +going to prevent such a one from surrounding himself with lackeys and +wage-slaves&mdash;from exploiting them and enriching himself at their +expense?</p> + +<p>"You cannot bring about a revolution all over the world at the same +time. Well, then&mdash;are you going to establish custom-houses on your +frontiers to search all who enter your country and confiscate the money +they bring with them?&mdash;Anarchist policemen firing on travellers would be +a fine spectacle!"</p> + +<p>But at the root of this argument there is a great error. Those who +propound it have never paused to inquire whence come the fortunes of the +rich. A little thought would, however, suffice to show them that these +fortunes have their beginnings in the poverty of the poor. When there +are no longer any destitute, there will no longer be any rich to exploit +them.</p> + +<p>Let us glance for a moment at the Middle Ages, when great fortunes began +to spring up.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_36" id="Page_36"></a></span></p><p>A feudal baron seizes on a fertile valley. But as long as the fertile +valley is empty of folk our baron is not rich. His land brings him in +nothing; he might as well possess a property in the moon.</p> + +<p>What does our baron do to enrich himself? He looks out for peasants&mdash;for +poor peasants!</p> + +<p>If every peasant-farmer had a piece of land, free from rent and taxes, +if he had in addition the tools and the stock necessary for farm +labour&mdash;Who would plough the lands of the baron? Everyone would look +after his own. But there are thousands of destitute persons ruined by +wars, or drought, or pestilence. They have neither horse nor plough. +(Iron was very costly in the Middle Ages, and a draught-horse still more +so.)</p> + +<p>All these destitute creatures are trying to better their condition. One +day they see on the road at the confines of our baron's estate a +notice-board indicating by certain signs adapted to their comprehension +that the labourer who is willing to settle on his estate will receive +the tools and materials to build his cottage and sow his fields, and a +portion of land rent free for a certain number of years. The number of +years is represented by so many crosses on the sign-board, and the +peasant understands the meaning of these crosses.</p> + +<p>So the poor wretches come to settle on the baron's lands. They make +roads, drain the marshes, build villages. In nine or ten years the baron +begins to tax them. Five years later he increases the rent. Then he +doubles it, and the peasant accepts these new conditions because he +cannot find better ones elsewhere. Little by little, with the aid of +laws made by the barons, the poverty of the peasant becomes the source +of the landlord's wealth. And it is not only the lord of the manor who +preys upon him. A whole host of usurers swoop down upon the villages, +multiplying as the wretchedness of the peasants increases. That is how +these things happened in the Middle Ages. And to-day is it not still the +same thing? If there were free lands which the peasant could cultivate +if he pleased, would he pay &pound;50 to some "shabble of a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_37" id="Page_37"></a> for +condescending to sell him a scrap? Would he burden himself with a lease +which absorbed a third of the produce? Would he&mdash;on the <i>m&eacute;tayer</i> +system&mdash;consent to give half of his harvest to the landowner?</p> + +<p>But he has nothing. So he will accept any conditions, if only he can +keep body and soul together, while he tills the soil and enriches the +landlord.</p> + +<p>So in the nineteenth century, just as in the Middle Ages, the poverty of +the peasant is a source of wealth to the landed proprietor.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>The landlord owes his riches to the poverty of the peasants, and the +wealth of the capitalist comes from the same source.</p> + +<p>Take the case of a citizen of the middle class, who somehow or other +finds himself in possession of &pound;20,000. He could, of course, spend his +money at the rate of &pound;2,000 a year, a mere bagatelle in these days of +fantastic, senseless luxury. But then he would have nothing left at the +end of ten years. So, being a "practical person," he prefers to keep his +fortune intact, and win for himself a snug little annual income as well.</p> + +<p>This is very easy in our society, for the good reason that the towns and +villages swarm with workers who have not the wherewithal to live for a +month, or even a fortnight. So our worthy citizen starts a factory. The +banks hasten to lend him another &pound;20,000, especially if he has a +reputation for "business ability"; and with this round sum he can +command the labour of five hundred hands.</p> + +<p>If all the men and women in the countryside had their daily bread +assured, and their daily needs already satisfied, who would work for our +capitalist at a wage of half a crown a day, while the commodities one +produces in a day sell in the market for a crown or more?</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_38" id="Page_38"></a></span></p><p>Unhappily&mdash;we know it all too well&mdash;the poor quarters of our towns and +the neighbouring villages are full of needy wretches, whose children +clamour for bread. So, before the factory is well finished, the workers +hasten to offer themselves. Where a hundred are required three hundred +besiege the doors, and from the time his mill is started, the owner, if +he only has average business capacities, will clear &pound;40 a year out of +each mill-hand he employs.</p> + +<p>He is thus able to lay by a snug little fortune; and if he chooses a +lucrative trade, and has "business talents," he will soon increase his +income by doubling the number of men he exploits.</p> + +<p>So he becomes a personage of importance. He can afford to give dinners +to other personages&mdash;to the local magnates, the civic, legal, and +political dignitaries. With his money he can "marry money"; by and by he +may pick and choose places for his children, and later on perhaps get +something good from the Government&mdash;a contract for the army or for the +police. His gold breeds gold; till at last a war, or even a rumour of +war, or a speculation on the Stock Exchange, gives him his great +opportunity.</p> + +<p>Nine-tenths of the great fortunes made in the United States are (as +Henry George has shown in his "Social Problems") the result of knavery +on a large scale, assisted by the State. In Europe, nine-tenths of the +fortunes made in our monarchies and republics have the same origin. +There are not two ways of becoming a millionaire.</p> + +<p>This is the secret of wealth: find the starving and destitute, pay them +half a crown, and make them produce five shillings worth in the day, +amass a fortune by these means, and then increase it by some lucky +speculation, made with the help of the State.</p> + +<p>Need we go on to speak of small fortunes attributed by the economists to +forethought and frugality, when we know that mere saving in itself +brings in nothing, so long as the pence saved are not used to exploit +the famishing?</p> + +<p>Take a shoemaker, for instance. Grant that his work is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_39" id="Page_39"></a></span> well paid, that +he has plenty of custom, and that by dint of strict frugality he +contrives to lay by from eighteen pence to two shillings a day, perhaps +two pounds a month.</p> + +<p>Grant that our shoemaker is never ill, that he does not half starve +himself, in spite of his passion for economy; that he does not marry or +that he has no children; that he does not die of consumption; suppose +anything and everything you please!</p> + +<p>Well, at the age of fifty he will not have scraped together &pound;800; and +he will not have enough to live on during his old age, when he is past +work. Assuredly this is not how fortunes are made. But suppose our +shoemaker, as soon as he has laid by a few pence, thriftily conveys them +to the savings bank and that the savings bank lends them to the +capitalist who is just about to "employ labour," i.e., to exploit the +poor. Then our shoemaker takes an apprentice, the child of some poor +wretch, who will think himself lucky if in five years' time his son has +learned the trade and is able to earn his living.</p> + +<p>Meanwhile our shoemaker does not lose by him, and if trade is brisk he +soon takes a second, and then a third apprentice. By and by he will take +two or three working men&mdash;poor wretches, thankful to receive half a +crown a day for work that is worth five shillings, and if our shoemaker +is "in luck," that is to say, if he is keen enough and mean enough, his +working men and apprentices will bring him in nearly one pound a day, +over and above the product of his own toil. He can then enlarge his +business. He will gradually become rich, and no longer have any need to +stint himself in the necessaries of life. He will leave a snug little +fortune to his son.</p> + +<p>That is what people call "being economical and having frugal, temperate +habits." At bottom it is nothing more nor less than grinding the face of +the poor.</p> + +<p>Commerce seems an exception to this rule. "Such a man," we are told, +"buys tea in China, brings it to France, and realizes a profit of thirty +per cent. on his original outlay. He has exploited nobody."</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_40" id="Page_40"></a></span></p><p>Nevertheless the case is quite similar. If our merchant had carried his +bales on his back, well and good! In early medieval times that was +exactly how foreign trade was conducted, and so no one reached such +giddy heights of fortune as in our days. Very few and very hardly earned +were the gold coins which the medieval merchant gained from a long and +dangerous voyage. It was less the love of money than the thirst of +travel and adventure that inspired his undertakings.</p> + +<p>Nowadays the method is simpler. A merchant who has some capital need not +stir from his desk to become wealthy. He telegraphs to an agent telling +him to buy a hundred tons of tea; he freights a ship, and in a few +weeks, in three months if it is a sailing ship, the vessels brings him +his cargo. He does not even take the risks of the voyage, for his tea +and his vessel are insured, and if he has expended four thousand pounds +he will receive more than five or six thousand; that is to say, if he +has not attempted to speculate in some novel commodities, in which case +he runs a chance of either doubling his fortune or losing it altogether.</p> + +<p>Now, how could he find men willing to cross the sea, to travel to China +and back, to endure hardship and slavish toil and to risk their lives +for a miserable pittance? How could he find dock labourers willing to +load and unload his ships for "starvation wages"? How? Because they are +needy and starving. Go to the seaports, visit the cook-shops and taverns +on the quays, and look at these men who have come to hire themselves, +crowding round the dock-gates, which they besiege from early dawn, +hoping to be allowed to work on the vessels. Look at these sailors, +happy to be hired for a long voyage, after weeks and months of waiting. +All their lives long they have gone to the sea in ships, and they will +sail in others still, until they have perished in the waves.</p> + +<p>Enter their homes, look at their wives and children in rags, living one +knows not how till the father's return, and you will have the answer to +the question.</p> + +<p>Multiply examples, choose them where you will, consider<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_41" id="Page_41"></a></span> the origin of +all fortunes, large or small, whether arising out of commerce, finance, +manufacturers, or the land. Everywhere you will find that the wealth of +the wealthy springs from the poverty of the poor. This is why an +anarchist society need not fear the advent of a Rothschild who would +settle in its midst. If every member of the community knows that after a +few hours of productive toil he will have a right to all the pleasures +that civilization procures, and to those deeper sources of enjoyment +which art and science offer to all who seek them, he will not sell his +strength for a starvation wage. No one will volunteer to work for the +enrichment of your Rothschild. His golden guineas will be only so many +pieces of metal&mdash;useful for various purposes, but incapable of breeding +more.</p> + +<p>In answering the above objection we have at the same time indicated the +scope of Expropriation. It must apply to everything that enables any +man&mdash;be he financier, mill-owner, or landlord&mdash;to appropriate the +product of others' toil. Our formula is simple and comprehensive.</p> + +<p>We do not want to rob any one of his coat, but we wish to give to the +workers all those things the lack of which makes them fall an easy prey +to the exploiter, and we will do our utmost that none shall lack aught, +that not a single man shall be forced to sell the strength of his right +arm to obtain a bare subsistence for himself and his babes. This is what +we mean when we talk of Expropriation; this will be our duty during the +Revolution, for whose coming we look, not two hundred years hence, but +soon, very soon.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>The ideas of Anarchism in general and of Expropriation in particular +find much more sympathy than we are apt to imagine among men of +independent character, and those for whom idleness is not the supreme +ideal. "Still," our friends often warn us, "take care you do not go too +far! Humanity cannot be changed in a day, so do not be in to great a +hurry<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_42" id="Page_42"></a></span> with your schemes of Expropriation and Anarchy, or you will be in +danger of achieving no permanent result."</p> + +<p>Now, what we fear with regard to Expropriation is exactly the contrary. +We are afraid of not going far enough, of carrying out Expropriation on +too small a scale to be lasting. We would not have the revolutionary +impulse arrested in mid-career, to exhaust itself in half measures, +which would content no one, and while producing a tremendous confusion +in society, and stopping its customary activities, would have no vital +power&mdash;would merely spread general discontent and inevitably prepare the +way for the triumph of reaction.</p> + +<p>There are, in fact, in a modern State established relations which it is +practically impossible to modify if one attacks them only in detail. +There are wheels within wheels in our economic organization&mdash;the +machinery is so complex and interdependent that no one part can be +modified without disturbing the whole. This becomes clear as soon as an +attempt is made to expropriate anything.</p> + +<p>Let us suppose that in a certain country a limited form of expropriation +is effected. For example, that, as it has been suggested more than once, +only the property of the great landlords is socialized, whilst the +factories are left untouched; or that, in a certain city, house property +is taken over by the Commune, but everything else is left to private +ownership; or that, in some manufacturing centre, the factories are +communalized, but the land is not interfered with.</p> + +<p>The same result would follow in each case&mdash;a terrible shattering of the +industrial system, without the means of reorganizing it on new lines. +Industry and finance would be at a deadlock, yet a return to the first +principles of justice would not have been achieved, and society would +find itself powerless to construct a harmonious whole.</p> + +<p>If agriculture were freed from great landowners, while industry still +remained the bond-slave of the capitalist, the merchant, and the banker, +nothing would be accomplished. The peasant suffers to-day not only in +having to pay rent to the landlord; he is oppressed on all hands by +existing <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_43" id="Page_43"></a></span>conditions. He is exploited by the tradesman, who makes him +pay half a crown for a spade which, measured by the labour spent on it, +is not worth more than sixpence. He is taxed by the State, which cannot +do without its formidable hierarchy of officials, and finds it necessary +to maintain an expensive army, because the traders of all nations are +perpetually fighting for the markets, and any day a little quarrel +arising from the exploitation of some part of Asia or Africa may result +in war.</p> + +<p>Then again the peasant suffers from the depopulation of country places: +the young people are attracted to the large manufacturing towns by the +bait of high wages paid temporarily by the producers of articles of +luxury, or by the attractions of a more stirring life. The artificial +protection of industry, the industrial exploitation of foreign +countries, the prevalence of stock-jobbing, the difficulty of improving +the soil and the machinery of production&mdash;all these agencies combine +nowadays to work against agriculture, which is burdened not only by +rent, but by the whole complex of conditions in a society based on +exploitation. Thus, even if the expropriation of land were accomplished, +and every one were free to till the soil and cultivate it to the best +advantage, without paying rent, agriculture, even though it should +enjoy&mdash;which can by no means be taken for granted&mdash;a momentary +prosperity, would soon fall back into the slough in which it finds +itself to-day. The whole thing would have to be begun over again, with +increased difficulties.</p> + +<p>The same holds true of industry. Take the converse case: instead of +turning the agricultural labourers into peasant-proprietors, make over +the factories to those who work in them. Abolish the +master-manufacturers, but leave the landlord his land, the banker his +money, the merchant his Exchange; maintain the swarm of idlers who live +on the toil of the workmen, the thousand and one middlemen, the State +with its numberless officials,&mdash;and industry would come to a standstill. +Finding no purchasers in the mass of peasants who would remain poor; not +possessing the raw material, and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_44" id="Page_44"></a></span>unable to export their produce, partly +on account of the stoppage of trade, and still more so because +industries spread all over the world, the manufacturers would feel +unable to struggle, and thousands of workers would be thrown upon the +streets. These starving crowds would be ready and willing to submit to +the first schemer who came to exploit them; they would even consent to +return to the old slavery, under promise of guaranteed work.</p> + +<p>Or, finally, suppose you oust the landowners, and hand over the mills +and factories to the worker, without interfering with the swarm of +middlemen who drain the product of our manufacturers, and speculate in +corn and flour, meat and groceries, in our great centres of commerce. +Then, as soon as the exchange of produce is slackened; as soon as the +great cities are left without bread, while the great manufacturing +centres find no buyers for the articles of luxury they produce,&mdash;the +counter-revolution is bound to take place, and it would come, treading +upon the slain, sweeping the towns and villages with shot and shell; +indulging in orgies of proscriptions and deportations, such as were seen +in France in 1815, 1848, and 1871.</p> + +<p>All is interdependent in a civilized society; it is impossible to reform +any one thing without altering the whole. Therefore, on the day a nation +will strike at private property, under any one of its forms, territorial +or industrial, it will be obliged to attack them all. The very success +of the Revolution will impose it.</p> + +<p>Besides, even if it were desired, it would be impossible to confine the +change to a partial expropriation. Once the principle of the "Divine +Right of Property" is shaken, no amount of theorizing will prevent its +overthrow, here by the slaves of the field, there by the slaves of the +machine.</p> + +<p>If a great town, Paris for example, were to confine itself to taking +possession of the dwelling houses of the factories, it would be forced +also to deny the right of the bankers to levy upon the Commune a tax +amounting to &pound;2,000,000, in the form of interest for former loans. The +great city would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_45" id="Page_45"></a></span> be obliged to put itself in touch with the rural +districts, and its influence would inevitably urge the peasants to free +themselves from the landowner. It would be necessary to communalize the +railways, that the citizens might get food and work, and lastly, to +prevent the waste of supplies; and to guard against the trusts of +corn-speculators, like those to whom the Paris Commune of 1793 fell a +prey, it would have to place in the hands of the City the work of +stocking its warehouses with commodities, and apportioning the produce.</p> + +<p>Some Socialists still seek, however, to establish a distinction. "Of +course," they say, "the soil, the mines, the mills, and manufacturers +must be expropriated, these are the instruments of production, and it is +right we should consider them public property. But articles of +consumption&mdash;food, clothes, and dwellings&mdash;should remain private +property."</p> + +<p>Popular common sense has got the better of this subtle distinction. We +are not savages who can live in the woods, without other shelter than +the branches. The civilized man needs a roof, a room, a hearth, and a +bed. It is true that the bed, the room, and the house is a home of +idleness for the non-producer. But for the worker, a room, properly +heated and lighted, is as much an instrument of production as the tool +or the machine. It is the place where the nerves and sinews gather +strength for the work of the morrow. The rest of the workman is the +daily repairing of the machine.</p> + +<p>The same argument applies even more obviously to food. The so-called +economists, who make the just-mentioned distinction, would hardly deny +that the coal burnt in a machine is as necessary to production as the +raw material itself. How then can food, without which the human machine +could do no work, be excluded from the list of things indispensable to +the producer? Can this be a relic of religious metaphysics? The rich +man's feast is indeed a matter of luxury, but the food of the worker is +just as much a part of production as the fuel burnt by the steam-engine.</p> + +<p>The same with clothing. We are not New Guinea savages. And if the dainty +gowns of our ladies must rank as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_46" id="Page_46"></a></span> objects of luxury, there is +nevertheless a certain quantity of linen, cotton, and woolen stuff which +is a necessity of life to the producer. The shirt and trousers in which +he goes to his work, the jacket he slips on after the day's toil is +over, are as necessary to him as the hammer to the anvil.</p> + +<p>Whether we like it or not, this is what the people mean by a revolution. +As soon as they have made a clean sweep of the Government, they will +seek first of all to ensure to themselves decent dwellings and +sufficient food and clothes&mdash;free of capitalist rent.</p> + +<p>And the people will be right. The methods of the people will be much +more in accordance with science than those of the economists who draw so +many distinctions between instruments of production and articles of +consumption. The people understand that this is just the point where the +Revolution ought to begin; and they will lay the foundations of the only +economic science worthy the name&mdash;a science which might be called: "<i>The +Study of the Needs of Humanity, and of the Economic Means to satisfy +them</i>."</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_2_2" id="Footnote_2_2"></a><a href="#FNanchor_2_2"><span class="label">[2]</span></a> "Shabble of a Duke" is an expression coined by Carlyle; it +is a somewhat free rendering of Kropotkine's "Monsieur le Vicomte," but +I think it expresses his meaning.&mdash;<i>Trans.</i></p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_47" id="Page_47"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_V" id="CHAPTER_V"></a>CHAPTER V</h2> + +<h3>FOOD</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>If the coming Revolution is to be a Social Revolution, it will be +distinguished from all former uprisings not only by its aim, but also by +its methods. To attain a new end, new means are required.</p> + +<p>The three great popular movements which we have seen in France during +the last hundred years differ from each other in many ways, but they +have one common feature.</p> + +<p>In each case the people strove to overturn the old regime, and spent +their heart's blood for the cause. Then, after having borne the brunt of +the battle, they sank again into obscurity. A Government, composed of +men more or less honest, was formed and undertook to organize a new +regime: the Republic in 1793, Labour in 1848, the Free Commune in 1871. +Imbued with Jacobin ideas, this Government occupied itself first of all +with political questions, such as the reorganization of the machinery of +government, the purifying of the administration, the separation of +Church and State, civic liberty, and such matters. It is true the +workmen's clubs kept an eye on the members of the new Government, and +often imposed their ideas on them. But even in these clubs, whether the +leaders belonged to the middle or the working classes, it was always +middle-class ideas which prevailed. They discussed various political +questions at great length, but forgot to discuss the question of bread.</p> + +<p>Great ideas sprang up at such times, ideas that have moved the world; +words were spoken which still stir our hearts,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_48" id="Page_48"></a></span> at the interval of more +than a century. But the people were starving in the slums.</p> + +<p>From the very Commencement of the Revolution industry inevitably came to +a stop&mdash;the circulation of produce was checked, and capital concealed +itself. The master&mdash;the employer&mdash;had nothing to fear at such times, he +fattened on his dividends, if indeed he did not speculate on the +wretchedness around; but the wage-earner was reduced to live from hand +to mouth. Want knocked at the door.</p> + +<p>Famine was abroad in the land&mdash;such famine as had hardly been seen under +the old regime.</p> + +<p>"The Girondists are starving us!" was the cry in the workmen's quarters +in 1793, and thereupon the Girondists were guillotined, and full powers +were given to "the Mountain" and to the Commune. The Commune indeed +concerned itself with the question of bread, and made heroic efforts to +feed Paris. At Lyons, Fouch&eacute; and Collot d'Herbois established city +granaries, but the sums spent on filling them were woefully +insufficient. The town councils made great efforts to procure corn; the +bakers who hoarded flour were hanged&mdash;and still the people lacked bread.</p> + +<p>Then they turned on the royalist conspirators and laid the blame at +their door. They guillotined a dozen or fifteen a day&mdash;servants and +duchesses alike, especially servants, for the duchesses had gone to +Coblentz. But if they had guillotined a hundred dukes and viscounts +every day, it would have been equally hopeless.</p> + +<p>The want only grew. For the wage-earner cannot live without his wage, +and the wage was not forthcoming. What difference could a thousand +corpses more or less make to him?</p> + +<p>Then the people began to grow weary. "So much for your vaunted +Revolution! You are more wretched than ever before," whispered the +reactionary in the ears of the worker. And little by little the rich +took courage, emerged from their hiding-places, and flaunted their +luxury in the face of the starving multitude. They dressed up like +scented<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_49" id="Page_49"></a></span> fops and said to the workers: "Come, enough of this foolery! +What have you gained by your Revolution?"</p> + +<p>And, sick at heart, his patience at an end, the revolutionary had at +last to admit to himself that the cause was lost once more. He retreated +into his hovel and awaited the worst.</p> + +<p>Then reaction proudly asserted itself, and accomplished a +counter-revolutionary stroke. The Revolution dead, nothing remained but +to trample its corpse under foot.</p> + +<p>The White Terror began. Blood flowed like water, the guillotine was +never idle, the prisons were crowded, while the pageant of rank and +fashion resumed its old course, and went on as merrily as before.</p> + +<p>This picture is typical of all our revolutions. In 1848 the workers of +Paris placed "three months of starvation" at the service of the +Republic, and then, having reached the limit of their powers, they made, +in June, one last desperate effort&mdash;an effort which was drowned in +blood. In 1871 the Commune perished for lack of combatants. It had taken +measures for the separation of Church and State, but it neglected, alas, +until too late, to take measures for providing the people with bread. +And so it came to pass in Paris that <i>&eacute;l&eacute;gantes</i> and fine gentlemen +could spurn the confederates, and bid them go sell their lives for a +miserable pittance, and leave their "betters" to feast at their ease in +fashionable restaurants.</p> + +<p>At last the Commune saw its mistake, and opened communal kitchens. But +it was too late. Its days were already numbered, and the troops of +Versailles were on the ramparts.</p> + +<p class="tbrk">&nbsp;</p> + +<p>"Bread, it is bread that the Revolution needs!"</p> + +<p>Let others spend their time in issuing pompous proclamations, in +decorating themselves lavishly with official gold lace, and in talking +about political liberty!...</p> + +<p>Be it ours to see, from the first day of the Revolution to the last, in +all the provinces fighting for freedom, that there is not a single man +who lacks bread, not a single woman compelled to stand with the wearied +crowd outside the <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_50" id="Page_50"></a></span>bakehouse-door, that haply a coarse loaf may be +thrown to her in charity, not a single child pining for want of food.</p> + +<p>It has always been the middle-class idea to harangue about "great +principles"&mdash;great lies rather!</p> + +<p>The idea of the people will be to provide bread for all. And while +middle-class citizens, and workmen infested with middle-class ideas +admire their own rhetoric in the "Talking Shops," and "practical people" +are engaged in endless discussions on forms of government, we, the +"Utopian dreamers"&mdash;we shall have to consider the question of daily +bread.</p> + +<p>We have the temerity to declare that all have a right to bread, that +there is bread enough for all, and that with this watchword of <i>Bread +for All</i> the Revolution will triumph.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>That we are Utopians is well known. So Utopian are we that we go the +length of believing that the Revolution can and ought to assure shelter, +food, and clothes to all&mdash;an idea extremely displeasing to middle-class +citizens, whatever their party colour, for they are quite alive to the +fact that it is not easy to keep the upper hand of a people whose hunger +is satisfied.</p> + +<p>All the same, we maintain our contention: bread must be found for the +people of the Revolution, and the question of bread must take precedence +of all other questions. If it is settled in the interests of the people, +the Revolution will be on the right road; for in solving the question of +Bread we must accept the principle of equality, which will force itself +upon us to the exclusion of every other solution.</p> + +<p>It is certain that the coming Revolution&mdash;like in that respect to the +Revolution of 1848&mdash;will burst upon us in the middle of a great +industrial crisis. Things have been seething for half a century now, and +can only go from bad to worse. Everything tends that way&mdash;new nations +entering the lists of international trade and fighting for possession +of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_51" id="Page_51"></a></span> the world's markets, wars, taxes ever increasing. National debts, +the insecurity of the morrow, and huge colonial undertakings in every +corner of the globe.</p> + +<p>There are millions of unemployed workers in Europe at this moment. It +will be still worse when Revolution has burst upon us and spread like +fire laid to a train of gunpowder. The number of the out-of-works will +be doubled as soon as the barricades are erected in Europe and the +United States. What is to be done to provide these multitudes with +bread?</p> + +<p>We do not know whether the folk who call themselves "practical people" +have ever asked themselves this question in all its nakedness. But we do +know that they wish to maintain the wage system, and we must therefore +expect to have "national workshops" and "public works" vaunted as a +means of giving food to the unemployed.</p> + +<p>Because national workshops were opened in 1789 and 1793; because the +same means were resorted to in 1848; because Napoleon III. succeeded in +contenting the Parisian proletariat for eighteen years by giving them +public works&mdash;which cost Paris to-day its debt of &pound;80,000,000 and its +municipal tax of three or four pounds a-head;<a name="FNanchor_3_3" id="FNanchor_3_3"></a><a href="#Footnote_3_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> because this excellent +method of "taming the beast" was customary in Rome, and even in Egypt +four thousand years ago; and lastly, because despots, kings, and +emperors have always employed the ruse of throwing a scrap of food to +the people to gain time to snatch up the whip&mdash;it is natural that +"practical" men should extol this method of perpetuating the wage +system. What need to rack our brains when we have the time-honoured +method of the Pharaohs at our disposal?</p> + +<p>Yet should the Revolution be so misguided as to start on this path, it +would be lost.</p> + +<p>In 1848, when the national workshops were opened on February 27, the +unemployed of Paris numbered only 8,000; a fortnight later they had +already increased to 49,000. They<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_52" id="Page_52"></a></span> would soon have been 100,000, without +counting those who crowded in from the provinces.</p> + +<p>Yet at that time trade and manufacturers in France employed half as many +hands as to-day. And we know that in time of Revolution exchange and +industry suffer most from the general upheaval. We have only to think, +indeed, of the number of workmen whose labour depends directly or +indirectly upon export trade, or of the number of hands employed in +producing luxuries, whose consumers are the middle-class minority.</p> + +<p>A revolution in Europe means, then, the unavoidable stoppage of at least +half the factories and workshops. It means millions of workers and their +families thrown on the streets. And our "practical men" would seek to +avert this truly terrible situation by means of national relief works; +that is to say, by means of new industries created on the spot to give +work to the unemployed!</p> + +<p>It is evident, as Proudhon had already pointed out more than fifty years +ago, that the smallest attack upon property will bring in its train the +complete disorganization of the system based upon private enterprise and +wage labour. Society itself will be forced to take production in hand, +in its entirety, and to reorganize it to meet the needs of the whole +people. But this cannot be accomplished in a day, or even in a month; it +must take a certain time to reorganize the system of production, and +during this time millions of men will be deprived of the means of +subsistence. What then is to be done?</p> + +<p>There is only one really <i>practical</i> solution of the problem&mdash;boldly to +face the great task which awaits us, and instead of trying to patch up a +situation which we ourselves have made untenable, to proceed to +reorganize production on a new basis.</p> + +<p>Thus the really practical course of action, in our view, would be that +the people should take immediate possession of all the food of the +insurgent communes, keeping strict account of it all, that none might be +wasted, and that by<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_53" id="Page_53"></a></span> the aid of these accumulated resources every one +might be able to tide over the crisis. During that time an agreement +would have to be made with the factory workers, the necessary raw +material given them, and the means of subsistence assured to them, while +they worked to supply the needs of the agricultural population. For we +must not forget that while France weaves silks and satins to deck the +wives of German financiers, the Empress of Russia, and the Queen of the +Sandwich Islands, and while Paris fashions wonderful trinkets and +playthings for rich folk all the world over, two-thirds of the French +peasantry have not proper lamps to give them light, or the implements +necessary for modern agriculture. Lastly, unproductive land, of which +there is plenty, would have to be turned to the best advantage, poor +soils enriched, and rich soils, which yet, under the present system, do +not yield a quarter, no, nor a tenth of what they might produce, would +be submitted to intensive culture, and tilled with as much care as a +market garden or a flower pot. It is impossible to imagine any other +practical solution of the problem; and, whether we like it or not, sheer +force of circumstances will bring it to pass.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>The most prominent characteristic of our present capitalism is <i>the wage +system</i>, which in brief amounts to this:&mdash;</p> + +<p>A man, or a group of men, possessing the necessary capital, starts some +industrial enterprise; he undertakes to supply the factory or workshops +with raw material, to organize production, to pay the employes a fixed +wage, and lastly, to pocket the surplus value or profits, under pretext +of recouping himself for managing the concern, for running the risks it +may involve, and for the fluctuations of price in the market value of +the wares.</p> + +<p>To preserve this system, those who now monopolize capital would be ready +to make certain concessions; to share, for example, a part of the +profits with the workers, or rather<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_54" id="Page_54"></a></span> to establish a "sliding scale," +which would oblige them to raise wages when prices were high; in brief +they would consent to certain sacrifices on condition that they were +still allowed to direct industry and to take its first fruits.</p> + +<p>Collectivism, as we know, does not abolish the wage system, though it +introduces considerable modifications into the existing order of things. +It only substitutes the State, that is to say, some form of +Representative Government, national or local, for the individual +employer of labour. Under Collectivism it is the representatives of the +nation, or of the Commune, and their deputies and officials who are to +have the control of industry. It is they who reserve to themselves the +right of employing the surplus of production&mdash;in the interests of all. +Moreover, Collectivism draws a very subtle but very far-reaching +distinction between the work of the labourer and of the man who has +learned a craft. Unskilled labour in the eyes of the collectivist is +<i>simple</i> labour, while the work of the craftsman, the mechanic, the +engineer, the man of science, etc., is what Marx calls <i>complex</i> labour, +and is entitled to a higher wage. But labourers and craftsmen, weavers +and men of science, are all wage-servants of the State&mdash;"all officials," +as was said lately, to gild the pill.</p> + +<p>Well, then, the coming Revolution could render no greater service to +humanity than by making the wage system, in all its forms, an +impossibility, and by rendering Communism, which is the negation of +wage-slavery, the only possible solution.</p> + +<p>For even admitting that the Collectivist modification of the present +system is possible, if introduced gradually during a period of +prosperity and peace&mdash;though for my part I question its practicability +even under such conditions&mdash;it would become impossible in a period of +Revolution, when the need of feeding hungry millions would spring up +with the first call to arms. A political revolution can be accomplished +without shaking the foundations of industry, but a revolution where the +people lay hands upon property will inevitably paralyse exchange and +production. The millions of public<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_55" id="Page_55"></a></span> money flowing into the Treasury +would not suffice for paying wages to the millions of out-of-works.</p> + +<p>This point cannot be too much insisted upon; the reorganization of +industry on a new basis (and we shall presently show how tremendous this +problem is) cannot be accomplished in a few days; nor, on the other +hand, will the people submit to be half starved for years in order to +oblige the theorists who uphold the wage system. To tide over the period +of stress they will demand what they have always demanded in such +cases&mdash;communization of supplies&mdash;the giving of rations.</p> + +<p>It will be in vain to preach patience. The people will be patient no +longer, and if food is not forthcoming they will plunder the bakeries.</p> + +<p>Then, if the people are not strong enough to carry all before them, they +will be shot down, to give Collectivism a fair field for experiment. To +this end "<i>order</i>" must be maintained at any price&mdash;order, discipline, +obedience! And as the capitalists will soon realize that when the people +are shot down by those who call themselves Revolutionists, the +Revolution itself will become hateful in the eyes of the masses, they +will certainly lend their support to the champions of <i>order</i>&mdash;even +though they are collectivists. In such a line of conduct, the +capitalists will see a means of hereafter crushing the collectivists in +their turn. And if "order is established" in this fashion, the +consequences are easy to foresee. Not content with shooting down the +"marauders," the faction of "order" will search out the "ringleaders of +the mob." They will set up again the law courts and reinstate the +hangman. The most ardent revolutionists will be sent to the scaffold. It +will be 1793 over again.</p> + +<p>Do not let us forget how reaction triumphed in the last century. First +the "H&eacute;bertists" and "the madmen," were guillotined&mdash;those whom Mignet, +with the memory of the struggle fresh upon him, still called +"Anarchists." The Dantonists soon followed them; and when the party of +Robespierre had guillotined these revolutionaries, they in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_56" id="Page_56"></a></span> their turn +had to mount the scaffold; whereupon the people, sick of bloodshed, and +seeing the revolution lost, threw up the sponge, and let the +reactionaries do their worst.</p> + +<p>If "order is restored," we say, the social democrats will hang the +anarchists; the Fabians will hang the social democrats, and will in +their turn be hanged by the reactionaries; and the Revolution will come +to an end.</p> + +<p>But everything confirms us in the belief that the energy of the people +will carry them far enough, and that, when the Revolution takes place, +the idea of anarchist Communism will have gained ground. It is not an +artificial idea. The people themselves have breathed it in our ear, and +the number of communists is ever increasing, as the impossibility of any +other solution becomes more and more evident.</p> + +<p>And if the impetus of the people is strong enough, affairs will take a +very different turn. Instead of plundering the bakers' shops one day, +and starving the next, the people of the insurgent cities will take +possession of the warehouses, the cattle markets,&mdash;in fact of all the +provision stores and of all the food to be had. The well-intentioned +citizens, men and women both, will form themselves into bands of +volunteers and address themselves to the task of making a rough general +inventory of the contents of each shop and warehouse.</p> + +<p>If such a revolution breaks out in France, namely in Paris, then in +twenty-four hours the Commune will know what Paris has not found out +yet, in spite of its statistical committees, and what it never did find +out during the siege of 1871&mdash;the quantity of provisions it contains. In +forty-eight hours millions of copies will be printed of the tables +giving a sufficiently exact account of the available food, the places +where it is stored, and the means of distribution.</p> + +<p>In every block of houses, in every street, in every town ward, groups of +volunteers will have been organized, and these commissariat volunteers +will find it easy to work in unison and keep in touch with each other. +If only the Jacobin bayonets do not get in the way; if only the +self-styled <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_57" id="Page_57"></a></span>"scientific" theorists do not thrust themselves in to +darken counsel! Or rather let them expound their muddle-headed theories +as much as they like, provided they have no authority, no power! And +that admirable spirit of organization inherent in the people, above all +in every social grade of the French nation, but which they have so +seldom been allowed to exercise, will initiate, even in so huge a city +as Paris, and in the midst of a Revolution, an immense guild of free +workers, ready to furnish to each and all the necessary food.</p> + +<p>Give the people a free hand, and in ten days the food service will be +conducted with admirable regularity. Only those who have never seen the +people hard at work, only those who have passed their lives buried among +the documents, can doubt it. Speak of the organizing genius of the +"Great Misunderstood," the people, to those who have seen it in Paris in +the days of the barricades, or in London during the great dockers' +strike, when half a million of starving folk had to be fed, and they +will tell you how superior it is to the official ineptness of Bumbledom.</p> + +<p>And even supposing we had to endure a certain amount of discomfort and +confusion for a fortnight or a month, surely that would not matter very +much. For the mass of the people it would still be an improvement on +their former condition; and, besides, in times of Revolution one can +dine contentedly enough on a bit of bread and cheese while eagerly +discussing events.</p> + +<p>In any case, a system which springs up spontaneously, under stress of +immediate need, will be infinitely preferable to anything invented +between four walls by hide-bound theorists sitting on any number of +committees.</p> + +<h3>IV</h3> + +<p>The people of the great towns will be driven by force of circumstances +to take possession of all the provisions, beginning with the barest +necessaries, and gradually extending Communism to other things, in order +to satisfy the needs of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_58" id="Page_58"></a></span> all the citizens. The sooner it is done the +better; the sooner it is done the less misery there will be and the less +strife.</p> + +<p>But upon what basis must society be organized in order that all may have +their due share of food produce? This is the question that meets us at +the outset.</p> + +<p>We answer that there are no two ways of it. There is only one way in +which Communism can be established equitably, only one way which +satisfies our instincts of justice and is at the same time practical; +namely, the system already adopted by the agrarian communes of Europe.</p> + +<p>Take for example a peasant commune, no matter where, even in France, +where the Jacobins have done their best to destroy all communal usage. +If the commune possesses woods and copses, then, so long as there is +plenty of wood for all, every one can take as much as he wants, without +other let or hindrance than the public opinion of his neighbours. As to +the timber-trees, which are always scarce, they have to be carefully +apportioned.</p> + +<p>The same with the communal pasture land; while there is enough and to +spare, no limit is put to what the cattle of each homestead may consume, +nor to the number of beasts grazing upon the pastures. Grazing grounds +are not divided, nor is fodder doled out, unless there is scarcity. All +the Swiss communes, and scores of thousands in France and Germany, +wherever there is communal pasture land, practise this system.</p> + +<p>And in the countries of Eastern Europe, where there are great forests +and no scarcity of land, you will find the peasants felling the trees as +they need them, and cultivating as much of the soil as they require, +without any thought of limiting each man's share of timber or of land. +But the timber will be allowanced, and the land parcelled out, to each +household according to its needs, as soon as either becomes scarce, as +is already the case in Russia.</p> + +<p>In a word, the system is this: no stint or limit to what the community +possesses in abundance, but equal sharing and dividing of those +commodities which are scarce or apt to run<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_59" id="Page_59"></a></span> short. Of the 350 millions +who inhabit Europe, 200 millions still follow this system of natural +Communism.</p> + +<p>It is a fact worth remarking that the same system prevails in the great +towns in the distribution of one commodity at least, which is found in +abundance, the water supplied to each house.</p> + +<p>As long as there is no fear of the supply running short, no water +company thinks of checking the consumption of water in each house. Take +what you please! But during the great droughts, if there is any fear of +the supply failing, the water companies know that all they have to do is +to make known the fact, by means of a short advertisement in the papers, +and the citizens will reduce their consumption of water and not let it +run to waste.</p> + +<p>But if water were actually scarce, what would be done? Recourse would be +had to a system of rations. Such a measure is so natural, so inherent in +common sense, that Paris twice asked to be put on rations during the two +sieges which it underwent in 1871.</p> + +<p>Is it necessary to go into details, to prepare tables, showing how the +distribution of rations may work, to prove that it is just and +equitable, infinitely more just and equitable than the existing state of +things? All these tables and details will not serve to convince those of +the middle classes, nor, alas, those of the workers tainted with +middle-class prejudices, who regard the people as a mob of savages ready +to fall upon and devour each other, as soon as the Government ceases to +direct affairs. But those only who have never seen the people resolve +and act on their own initiative could doubt for a moment that if the +masses were masters of the situation, they would distribute rations to +each and all in strictest accordance with justice and equity.</p> + +<p>If you were to give utterance, in any gathering of people, to the +opinion that delicacies&mdash;game and such-like&mdash;should be reserved for the +fastidious palates of aristocratic idlers, and black bread given to the +sick in the hospitals, you would be hissed. But say at the same +gathering, preach at the street<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_60" id="Page_60"></a></span> corners and in the market places, that +the most tempting delicacies ought to be kept for the sick and +feeble&mdash;especially for the sick. Say that if there are only five brace +of partridge in the entire city, and only one case of sherry, they +should go to sick people and convalescents. Say that after the sick come +the children. For them the milk of the cows and goats should be reserved +if there is not enough for all. To the children and the aged the last +piece of meat, and to the strong man dry bread, if the community be +reduced to that extremity.</p> + +<p>Say, in a word, that if this or that article of consumption runs short, +and has to be doled out, to those who have most need most should be +given. Say that and see if you do not meet with universal agreement.</p> + +<p>The man who is full-fed does not understand this, but the people do +understand, and have always understood it; and even the child of luxury, +if he is thrown on the street and comes into contact with the masses, +even he will learn to understand.</p> + +<p>The theorists&mdash;for whom the soldier's uniform and the barrack mess table +are civilization's last word&mdash;would like no doubt to start a regime of +National Kitchens and "Spartan Broth." They would point out the +advantages thereby gained, the economy in fuel and food, if such huge +kitchens were established, where every one could come for their rations +of soup and bread and vegetables.</p> + +<p>We do not question these advantages. We are well aware that important +economies have already been achieved in this direction&mdash;as, for +instance, when the handmill, or quern, and the baker's oven attached to +each house were abandoned. We can see perfectly well that it would be +more economical to cook broth for a hundred families at once, instead of +lighting a hundred separate fires. We know, besides, that there are a +thousand ways of preparing potatoes, but that cooked in one huge pot for +a hundred families they would be just as good.</p> + +<p>We know, in fact, that variety in cooking being a matter of the +seasoning introduced by each cook or housewife, the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_61" id="Page_61"></a></span> cooking together of +a hundredweight of potatoes would not prevent each cook or housewife +from dressing and serving them in any way she pleased. And we know that +stock made from meat can be converted into a hundred different soups to +suit a hundred different tastes.</p> + +<p>But though we are quite aware of all these facts, we still maintain that +no one has a right to force a housewife to take her potatoes from the +communal kitchen ready cooked if she prefers to cook them herself in her +own pot on her own fire. And, above all, we should wish each one to be +free to take his meals with his family, or with his friends, or even in +a restaurant, if it seemed good to him.</p> + +<p>Naturally large public kitchens will spring up to take the place of the +restaurants, where people are poisoned nowadays. Already the Parisian +housewife gets the stock for her soup from the butcher, and transforms +it into whatever soup she likes, and London housekeepers know that they +can have a joint roasted, or an apple or rhubarb tart baked at the +baker's for a trifling sum, thus economizing time and fuel. And when the +communal kitchen&mdash;the common bakehouse of the future&mdash;is established, +and people can get their food cooked without the risk of being cheated +or poisoned, the custom will no doubt become general of going to the +communal kitchen for the fundamental parts of the meal, leaving the last +touches to be added as individual taste shall suggest.</p> + +<p>But to make a hard and fast rule of this, to make a duty of taking home +our food ready cooked, that would be as repugnant to our modern minds as +the ideas of the convent or the barrack&mdash;morbid ideas born in brains +warped by tyranny or superstition.</p> + +<p>Who will have a right to the food of the commune? will assuredly be the +first question which we shall have to ask ourselves. Every township will +answer for itself, and we are convinced that the answers will all be +dictated by the sentiment of justice. Until labour is reorganized, as +long as the disturbed period lasts, and while it is impossible to +distinguish between inveterate idlers and genuine workers<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_62" id="Page_62"></a></span> thrown out of +work, the available food ought to be shared by all without exception. +Those who have been enemies to the new order will hasten of their own +accord to rid the commune of their presence. But it seems to us that the +masses of the people, which have always been magnanimous, and have +nothing of vindictiveness in their disposition, will be ready to share +their bread with all who remain with them, conquered and conquerers +alike. It will be no loss to the Revolution to be inspired by such an +idea, and, when work is set agoing again, the antagonists of yesterday +will stand side by side in the same workshops. A society where work is +free will have nothing to fear from idlers.</p> + +<p>"But provisions will run short in a month!" our critics at once exclaim.</p> + +<p>"So much the better," say we. It will prove that for the first time on +record the people have had enough to eat. As to the question of +obtaining fresh supplies, we shall discuss the means in our next +chapter.</p> + +<h3>V</h3> + +<p>By what means could a city in a state of revolution be supplied with +food? We shall answer this question, but it is obvious that the means +resorted to will depend on the character of the Revolution in the +provinces, and in neighbouring countries. If the entire nation, or, +better still, if all Europe should accomplish the Social Revolution +simultaneously, and start with thorough-going Communism, our procedure +would be simplified; but if only a few communities in Europe make the +attempt, other means will have to be chosen. The circumstances will +dictate the measures.</p> + +<p>We are thus led, before we proceed further, to glance at the State of +Europe, and, without pretending to prophesy, we may try to foresee what +course the Revolution will take, or at least what will be its essential +features.</p> + +<p>Certainly it would be very desirable that all Europe should rise at +once, that expropriation should be general, and that<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_63" id="Page_63"></a></span> communistic +principles should inspire all and sundry. Such a universal rising would +do much to simplify the task of our century.</p> + +<p>But all the signs lead us to believe that it will not take place. That +the Revolution will embrace Europe we do not doubt. If one of the four +great continental capitals&mdash;Paris, Vienna, Brussels, or Berlin&mdash;rises in +revolution and overturns its Government, it is almost certain that the +three others will follow its example within a few weeks' time. It is, +moreover, highly probable that the Peninsulas and even London and St. +Petersburg would not be long in following suit. But whether the +Revolution would everywhere exhibit the same characteristics is highly +doubtful.</p> + +<p>It is more than probable that expropriation will be everywhere carried +into effect on a larger scale, and that this policy carried out by any +one of the great nations of Europe will influence all the rest; yet the +beginnings of the Revolution will exhibit great local differences, and +its course will vary in different countries. In 1789-93, the French +peasantry took four years to finally rid themselves of the redemption of +feudal rights, and the bourgeois to overthrow royalty. Let us keep that +in mind, and therefore be prepared to see the Revolution develop itself +somewhat gradually. Let us not be disheartened if here and there its +steps should move less rapidly. Whether it would take an avowedly +socialist character in all European nations, at any rate at the +beginning, is doubtful. Germany, be it remembered, is still realizing +its dream of a United Empire. Its advanced parties see visions of a +Jacobin Republic like that of 1848, and of the organization of labour +according to Louis Blanc; while the French people, on the other hand, +want above all things a free Commune, whether it be a communist Commune +or not.</p> + +<p>There is every reason to believe that, when the coming Revolution takes +place, Germany will go further than France went in 1793. The +eighteenth-century Revolution in France was an advance on the English +Revolution of the seventeenth, abolishing as it did at one stroke the +power of the throne<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_64" id="Page_64"></a></span> and the landed aristocracy, whose influence still +survives in England. But, if Germany goes further and does greater +things than France did in 1793, there can be no doubt that the ideas +which will foster the birth of her Revolution will be those of 1848; +while the ideas which will inspire the Revolution in Russia will +probably be a combination of those of 1789 with those of 1848.</p> + +<p>Without, however, attaching to these forecasts a greater importance than +they merit, we may safely conclude this much: the Revolution will take a +different character in each of the different European nations; the point +attained in the socialization of wealth will not be everywhere the same.</p> + +<p>Will it therefore be necessary, as is sometimes suggested, that the +nations in the vanguard of the movement should adapt their pace to those +who lag behind? Must we wait till the Communist Revolution is ripe in +all civilized countries? Clearly not! Even if it were a thing to be +desired, it is not possible. History does not wait for the laggards.</p> + +<p>Besides, we do not believe that in any one country the Revolution will +be accomplished at a stroke, in the twinkling of an eye, as some +socialists dream.<a name="FNanchor_4_4" id="FNanchor_4_4"></a><a href="#Footnote_4_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> It is highly probable that if one of the five or +six large towns of France&mdash;Paris, Lyons, Marseilles, Lille, +Saint-Etienne, Bordeaux&mdash;were to proclaim the Commune, the others would +follow its example, and that many smaller towns would do the same. +Probably also various mining districts and industrial centres would +hasten to rid themselves of "owners" and "masters," and form themselves +into free groups.</p> + +<p>But many country places have not advanced to that point. Side by side +with the revolutionized communes such places would remain in an +expectant attitude, and would go on <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_65" id="Page_65"></a></span>living on the Individualist system. +Undisturbed by visits of the bailiff or the tax-collector, the peasants +would not be hostile to the revolutionaries, and thus, while profiting +by the new state of affairs, they would defer the settlement of accounts +with the local exploiters. But with that practical enthusiasm which +always characterizes agrarian uprisings (witness the passionate toil of +1792) they would throw themselves into the task of cultivating the land, +which, freed from taxes and mortgages, would become so much dearer to +them.</p> + +<p>As to other countries, revolution would break out everywhere, but +revolution under divers aspects; in one country State Socialism, in +another Federation; everywhere more or less Socialism, not conforming to +any particular rule.</p> + +<h3>VI</h3> + +<p>Let us now return to our city in revolt, and consider how its citizens +can provide foodstuffs for themselves. How are the necessary provisions +to be obtained if the nation as a whole has not accepted Communism? This +is the question to be solved. Take, for example, one of the large French +towns&mdash;take the capital itself, for that matter. Paris consumes every +year thousands of tons of grain, 400,000 head of oxen, 300,000 calves, +400,000 swine, and more than two millions of sheep, besides great +quantities of game. This huge city devours, besides, more than 20 +million pounds of butter, 200 million eggs, and other produce in like +proportion.</p> + +<p>It imports flour and grain from the United States and from Russia, +Hungary, Italy, Egypt, and the Indies; live stock from Germany, Italy, +Spain&mdash;even Roumania and Russia; and as for groceries, there is not a +country in the world that it does not lay under contribution.</p> + +<p>Now, let us see how Paris or any other great town could be revictualled +by home-grown produce, supplies of which could be readily and willingly +sent in from the provinces.</p> + +<p>To those who put their trust in "authority" the question will appear +quite simple. They would begin by establishing<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_66" id="Page_66"></a></span> a strongly centralized +Government, furnished with all the machinery of coercion&mdash;the police, +the army, the guillotine. This Government would draw up a statement of +all the produce contained in France. It would divide the country into +districts of supply, and then <i>command</i> that a prescribed quantity of +some particular foodstuff be sent to such a place on such a day, and +delivered at such a station, to be there received on a given day by a +specified official and stored in particular warehouses.</p> + +<p>Now, we declare with the fullest conviction, not merely that such a +solution is undesirable, but that it never could by any possibility be +put into practice. It is wildly Utopian!</p> + +<p>Pen in hand, one may dream such a dream in the study, but in contact +with reality it comes to nothing,&mdash;this was proved in 1793; for, like +all such theories, it leaves out of account the spirit of independence +that is in man. The attempt would lead to a universal uprising, to three +or four <i>Vend&eacute;es</i>, to the villages rising against the towns, all the +country up in arms defying the city for its arrogance in attempting to +impose such a system upon the country.</p> + +<p>We have already had too much of Jacobin Utopias! Let us see if some +other form of organization will meet the case.</p> + +<p>During the great French Revolution, the provinces starved the large +towns, and killed the Revolution. And yet it is a known fact that the +production of grain in France during 1792-3 had not diminished; indeed, +the evidence goes to show that it had increased. But after having taken +possession of the manorial lands, after having reaped a harvest from +them, the peasants would not part with their grain for paper-money. They +withheld their produce, waiting for a rise in the price, or the +introduction of gold. The most rigorous measures of the National +Convention were without avail, and her executions failed to break up the +ring, or force the farmers to sell their corn. For it is a matter of +history that the commissaries of the Convention did not scruple to +guillotine those who withheld their grain from the market, and +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_67" id="Page_67"></a></span>pitilessly executed those who speculated in foodstuffs. All the same, +the corn was not forthcoming, and the townsfolk suffered from famine.</p> + +<p>But what was offered to the husbandman in exchange for his hard toil? +<i>Assignats</i>, scraps of paper decreasing in value every day, promises of +payment, which could not be kept. A forty-pound note would not purchase +a pair of boots, and the peasant, very naturally, was not anxious to +barter a year's toil for a piece of paper with which he could not even +buy a shirt.</p> + +<p>As long as worthless paper-money&mdash;whether called assignats or labour +notes&mdash;is offered to the peasant-producer it will always be the same. +The country will withhold its produce, and the towns will suffer want, +even if the recalcitrant peasants are guillotined as before.</p> + +<p>We must offer to the peasant in exchange for his toil not worthless +paper-money, but the manufactured articles of which he stands in +immediate need. He lacks the proper implements to till the land, clothes +to protect him from the inclemencies of the weather, lamps and oil to +replace his miserable rushlight or tallow dip, spades, rakes, ploughs. +All these things, under present conditions, the peasant is forced to do +without, not because he does not feel the need of them, but because, in +his life of struggle and privation, a thousand useful things are beyond +his reach; because he has not money to buy them.</p> + +<p>Let the town apply itself, without loss of time, to manufacturing all +that the peasant needs, instead of fashioning geegaws for the wives of +rich citizens. Let the sewing machines of Paris be set to work on +clothes for the country folk workaday clothes and clothes for Sunday +too, instead of costly evening dresses for the English and Russian +landlords and the African gold-magnates' wives. Let the factories and +foundries turn out agricultural implements, spades, rakes, and +such-like, instead of waiting till the English send them to France, in +exchange for French wines!</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_68" id="Page_68"></a></span></p><p>Let the towns send no more inspectors to the villages, wearing red, +blue, or rainbow-coloured scarves, to convey to the peasant orders to +take his produce to this place or that, but let them send friendly +embassies to the countryfolk and bid them in brotherly fashion: "Bring +us your produce, and take from our stores and shops all the manufactured +articles you please."&mdash;Then provisions would pour in on every side. The +peasant would only withhold what he needed for his own use, and would +send the rest into the cities, feeling <i>for the first time in the course +of history</i> that these toiling townsfolk were his comrades&mdash;his +brethren, and not his exploiters.</p> + +<p>We shall be told, perhaps, that this would necessitate a complete +transformation of industry. Well, yes, that is true of certain +departments; but there are other branches which could be rapidly +modified in such a way as to furnish the peasant with clothes, watches, +furniture, and the simple implements for which the towns make him pay +such exorbitant prices at the present time. Weavers, tailors, +shoemakers, tinsmiths, cabinet-makers, and many other trades and crafts +could easily direct their energies to the manufacture of useful and +necessary articles, and abstain from producing mere luxuries. All that +is needed is that the public mind should be thoroughly convinced of the +necessity of this transformation, and should come to look upon it as an +act of justice and of progress, and that it should no longer allow +itself to be cheated by that dream, so dear to the theorists&mdash;the dream +of a revolution which confines itself to taking possession of the +profits of industry, and leaves production and commerce just as they are +now.</p> + +<p>This, then, is our view of the whole question. Cheat the peasant no +longer with scraps of paper&mdash;be the sums inscribed upon them ever so +large; but offer him in exchange for his produce the very <i>things</i> of +which he, the tiller of the soil, stands in need. Then the fruits of the +land will be poured into the towns. If this is not done there will be +famine in our cities, and reaction and despair will follow in its train.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_69" id="Page_69"></a></span></p> + +<h3>VII</h3> + +<p>All the great towns, we have said, buy their grain, their flour, and +their meat, not only from the provinces, but also from abroad. Foreign +countries send Paris not only spices, fish, and various dainties, but +also immense quantities of corn and meat.</p> + +<p>But when the Revolution comes these cities will have to depend on +foreign countries as little as possible. If Russian wheat, Italian or +Indian rice, and Spanish or Hungarian wines abound in the markets of +western Europe, it is not that the countries which export them have a +superabundance, or that such a produce grows there of itself, like the +dandelion in the meadows. In Russia for instance, the peasant works +sixteen hours a day, and half starves from three to six months every +year, in order to export the grain with which he pays the landlord and +the State. To-day the police appears in the Russian village as soon as +the harvest is gathered in, and sells the peasant's last horse and last +cow for arrears of taxes and rent due to the landlord, unless the victim +immolates himself of his own accord by selling the grain to the +exporters. Usually, rather than part with his livestock at a +disadvantage, he keeps only a nine-months' supply of grain, and sells +the rest. Then, in order to sustain life until the next harvest, he +mixes birch-bark and tares with his flour for three months, if it has +been a good year, and for six months if it has been bad, while in London +they are eating biscuits made of his wheat.</p> + +<p>But as soon as the Revolution comes, the Russian peasant will keep bread +enough for himself and his children; the Italian and Hungarian peasants +will do the same; the Hindoo, let us hope, will profit by these good +examples; and the farmers of America will hardly be able to cover all +the deficit in grain which Europe will experience. So it will not do to +count on their contributions of wheat and maize satisfying all the +wants.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_70" id="Page_70"></a></span></p><p>Since all our middle-class civilization is based on the exploitation of +inferior races and countries with less advanced industrial systems, the +Revolution will confer a boon at the very outset, by menacing that +"civilization," and allowing the so-called inferior races to free +themselves.</p> + +<p>But this great benefit will manifest itself by a steady and marked +diminution of the food supplies pouring into the great cities of western +Europe.</p> + +<p>It is difficult to predict the course of affairs in the provinces. On +the one hand the slave of the soil will take advantage of the Revolution +to straighten his bowed back. Instead of working fourteen or fifteen +hours a day, as he does at present, he will be at liberty to work only +half that time, which of course would have the effect of decreasing the +production of the principal articles of consumption&mdash;grain and meat.</p> + +<p>But, on the other hand, there will be an increase of production as soon +as the peasant realizes that he is no longer forced to support the idle +rich by his toil. New tracts of land will be cleared, new and improved +machines set a-going.</p> + +<p>"Never was the land so energetically cultivated as in 1792, when the +peasant had taken back from the landlord the soil which he had coveted +so long," Michelet tells us speaking of the Great Revolution.</p> + +<p>Of course, before long, intensive culture would be within the reach of +all. Improved machinery, chemical manures, and all such matters would +soon be supplied by the Commune. But everything tends to indicate that +at the outset there would be a falling off in agricultural products, in +France and elsewhere.</p> + +<p>In any case it would be wisest to count upon such a falling off of +contributions from the provinces as well as from abroad.&mdash;How is this +falling off to be made good?</p> + +<p>Why! by setting to work ourselves! No need to rack our brains for +far-fetched panaceas when the remedy lies close at hand.</p> + +<p>The large towns, as well as the villages, must undertake to till the +soil. We must return to what biology calls "the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_71" id="Page_71"></a></span> integration of +functions"&mdash;after the division of labour, the taking up of it as a +whole&mdash;this is the course followed throughout Nature.</p> + +<p>Besides, philosophy apart, the force of circumstances would bring about +this result. Let Paris see that at the end of eight months it will be +running short of bread, and Paris will set to work to grow wheat.</p> + +<p>Land will not be wanting, for it is round the great towns, and round +Paris especially, that the parks and pleasure grounds of the landed +gentry are to be found. These thousands of acres only await the skilled +labour of the husbandman to surround Paris with fields infinitely more +fertile and productive than the steppes of southern Russia, where the +soil is dried up by the sun. Nor will labour be lacking. To what should +the two million citizens of Paris turn their attention, when they would +be no longer catering for the luxurious fads and amusements of Russian +princes, Roumanian grandees, and wives of Berlin financiers?</p> + +<p>With all the mechanical inventions of the century; with all the +intelligence and technical skill of the worker accustomed to deal with +complicated machinery; with inventors, chemists, professors of botany, +practical botanists like the market gardeners of Gennevilliers; with all +the plant that they could use for multiplying and improving machinery; +and, finally, with the organizing spirit of the Parisian people, their +pluck and energy&mdash;with all these at its command, the agriculture of the +anarchist Commune of Paris would be a very different thing from the rude +husbandry of the Ardennes.</p> + +<p>Steam, electricity, the heat of the sun, and the breath of the wind, +will ere long be pressed into service. The steam plough and the steam +harrow will quickly do the rough work of preparation, and the soil, thus +cleaned and enriched, will only need the intelligent care of man, and of +woman even more than man, to be clothed with luxuriant vegetation&mdash;not +once but three or four times in the year.</p> + +<p>Thus, learning the art of horticulture from experts, and trying +experiments in different methods on small patches of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_72" id="Page_72"></a></span> soil reserved for +the purpose, vying with each other to obtain the best returns, finding +in physical exercise, without exhaustion or overwork, the health and +strength which so often flags in cities,&mdash;men, women and children will +gladly turn to the labour of the fields, when it is no longer a slavish +drudgery, but has become a pleasure, a festival, a renewal of health and +joy.</p> + +<p>"There are no barren lands; the earth is worth what man is worth"&mdash;that +is the last word of modern agriculture. Ask of the earth, and she will +give you bread, provided that you ask aright.</p> + +<p>A district, though it were as small as the two departments of the Seine +and the Seine-et-Oise, and with so great a city as Paris to feed, would +be practically sufficient to grow upon it all the food supplies, which +otherwise might fail to reach it.</p> + +<p>The combination of agriculture and industry, the husbandman and the +mechanic in the same individual&mdash;this is what anarchist communism will +inevitably lead us to, if it starts fair with expropriation.</p> + +<p>Let the Revolution only get so far, and famine is not the enemy it will +have to fear. No, the danger which will menace it lies in timidity, +prejudice, and half-measures. The danger is where Danton saw it when he +cried to France: "De l'audace, de l'audace, et encore de l'audace." The +bold thought first, and the bold deed will not fail to follow.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_3_3" id="Footnote_3_3"></a><a href="#FNanchor_3_3"><span class="label">[3]</span></a> The municipal debt of Paris amounted in 1904 to +2,266,579,100 francs, and the charges for it were 121,000,000 francs.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_4_4" id="Footnote_4_4"></a><a href="#FNanchor_4_4"><span class="label">[4]</span></a> No fallacy more harmful has ever been spread than the +fallacy of a "One-day Revolution," which is propagated in superficial +Socialist pamphlets speaking of the Revolution of the 18th of March at +Berlin, supposed (which is absolutely wrong) to have given Prussia its +representative Government. We saw well the harm made by such fallacies +in Russia in 1905-1907. The truth is that up to 1871 Prussia, like +Russia of the present day, had a scrap of paper which could be described +as a "Constitution," but it had no representative Government. The +Ministry imposed upon the nation, up till 1870, the budget it chose to +propose.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_73" id="Page_73"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VI" id="CHAPTER_VI"></a>CHAPTER VI</h2> + +<h3>DWELLINGS</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Those who have closely watched the growth of Socialist ideas among the +workers must have noticed that on one momentous question&mdash;the housing of +the people&mdash;a definite conclusion is being imperceptibly arrived at. It +is a fact that in the large towns of France, and in many of the smaller +ones, the workers are coming gradually to the conclusion that +dwelling-houses are in no sense the property of those whom the State +recognizes as their owners.</p> + +<p>This idea has evolved naturally in the minds of the people, and nothing +will ever convince them again that the "rights of property" ought to +extend to houses.</p> + +<p>The house was not built by its owner. It was erected, decorated and +furnished by innumerable workers in the timber yard, the brick field, +and the workshop, toiling for dear life at a minimum wage.</p> + +<p>The money spent by the owner was not the product of his own toil. It was +amassed, like all other riches, by paying the workers two-thirds or only +a half of what was their due.</p> + +<p>Moreover&mdash;and it is here that the enormity of the whole proceeding +becomes most glaring&mdash;the house owes its actual value to the profit +which the owner can make out of it. Now, this profit results from the +fact that his house is built in a town&mdash;that is, in an agglomeration of +thousands of other houses, possessing paved streets, bridges, quays, and +fine public buildings, well lighted, and affording to its inhabitants a +thousand comforts and conveniences unknown in villages; a town in +regular communication with other towns, and <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_74" id="Page_74"></a></span>itself a centre of +industry, commerce, science, and art; a town which the work of twenty or +thirty generations has made habitable, healthy, and beautiful.</p> + +<p>A house in certain parts of Paris is valued at many thousands of pounds +sterling, not because thousands of pounds' worth of labour have been +expended on that particular house, but because it is in Paris; because +for centuries workmen, artists, thinkers, and men of learning and +letters have contributed to make Paris what it is to-day&mdash;a centre of +industry, commerce, politics, art, and science; because Paris has a +past; because, thanks to literature, the names of its streets are +household words in foreign countries as well as at home; because it is +the fruit of eighteen centuries of toil, the work of fifty generations +of the whole French nation.</p> + +<p>Who, then, can appropriate to himself the tiniest plot of ground, or the +meanest building in such a city, without committing a flagrant +injustice? Who, then, has the right to sell to any bidder the smallest +portion of the common heritage?</p> + +<p>On that point, as we have said, the workers begin to be agreed. The idea +of free dwellings showed its existence very plainly during the siege of +Paris, when the cry was for an abatement pure and simple of the terms +demanded by the landlords. It appeared again during the Commune of 1871, +when the Paris workmen expected the Council of the Commune to decide +boldly on the abolition of rent. And when the New Revolution comes, it +will be the first question with which the poor will concern themselves.</p> + +<p>Whether in time of revolution or in time of peace, the worker must be +housed somehow or other; he must have some sort of roof over his head. +But, however tumble-down and squalid his dwelling may be, there is +always a landlord who can evict him. True, during the Revolution the +landlord cannot find bailiffs and police-sergeants to throw the +workman's rags and chattels into the street, but who knows what the new +Government will do to-morrow? Who can say that it will not call coercion +to its aid again, and set the police<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_75" id="Page_75"></a></span> pack upon the tenant to hound him +out of his hovels? Have we not seen the commune of Paris proclaim the +remission of rents due up to the first of April only!<a name="FNanchor_5_5" id="FNanchor_5_5"></a><a href="#Footnote_5_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> After that, +rent had to be paid, though Paris was in a state of chaos, and industry +at a standstill; so that the "federate" who had taken arms to defend the +independence of Paris had absolutely nothing to depend upon&mdash;he and his +family&mdash;but an allowance of fifteen pence a day!</p> + +<p>Now the worker must be made to see clearly that in refusing to pay rent +to a landlord or owner he is not simply profiting by the disorganization +of authority. He must understand that the abolition of rent is a +recognized principle, sanctioned, so to speak, by popular assent; that +to be housed rent-free is a right proclaimed aloud by the people.</p> + +<p>Are we going to wait till this measure, which is in harmony with every +honest man's sense of justice, is taken up by the few socialists +scattered among the middle class elements, of which the Provisionary +Government will be composed? If it were so, the people should have to +wait long&mdash;till the return of reaction, in fact!</p> + +<p>This is why, refusing uniforms and badges&mdash;those outward signs of +authority and servitude&mdash;and remaining people among the people, the +earnest revolutionists will work side by side with the masses, that the +abolition of rent, the expropriation of houses, may become an +accomplished fact. They will prepare the ground and encourage ideas to +grow in this direction; and when the fruit of their labours is ripe, the +people will proceed to expropriate the houses without giving heed to the +theories which will certainly be thrust in their way&mdash;theories about +paying compensation to landlords, and finding first the necessary funds.</p> + +<p>On the day that the expropriation of houses takes place, on that day, +the exploited workers will have realized that new times have come, that +Labour will no longer have to bear the yoke of the rich and powerful, +that Equality has been openly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_76" id="Page_76"></a></span> proclaimed, that this Revolution is a +real fact, and not a theatrical make-believe, like so many others +preceding it.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>If the idea of expropriation be adopted by the people it will be carried +into effect in spite of all the "insurmountable" obstacles with which we +are menaced.</p> + +<p>Of course, the good folk in new uniforms, seated in the official +arm-chairs of the H&ocirc;tel de Ville, will be sure to busy themselves in +heaping up obstacles. They will talk of giving compensation to the +landlords, of preparing statistics, and drawing up long reports. Yes, +they would be capable of drawing up reports long enough to outlast the +hopes of the people, who, after waiting and starving in enforced +idleness, and seeing nothing come of all these official researches, +would lose heart and faith in the Revolution and abandon the field to +the reactionaries. The new bureaucracy would end by making expropriation +hateful in the eyes of all.</p> + +<p>Here, indeed, is a rock which might shipwreck our hopes. But if the +people turn a deaf ear to the specious arguments used to dazzle them, +and realize that new life needs new conditions, and if they undertake +the task themselves, then expropriation can be effected without any +great difficulty.</p> + +<p>"But how? How can it be done?" you ask us. We shall try to reply to this +question, but with a reservation. We have no intention of tracing out +the plans of expropriation in their smallest details. We know beforehand +that all that any man, or group of men, could suggest to-day would be +far surpassed by the reality when it comes. Man will accomplish greater +things, and accomplish them better and by simpler methods than those +dictated to him beforehand. Thus we shall merely indicate the manner by +which expropriation <i>might</i> be accomplished without the intervention of +Government. We do not propose to go out of our way to answer those who +declare that the thing is impossible. We confine ourselves to replying +that we are not the upholders of any<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_77" id="Page_77"></a></span> particular method of organization. +We are only concerned to demonstrate that expropriation <i>could</i> be +effected by popular initiative, and <i>could not</i> be effected by any other +means whatever.</p> + +<p>It seems very likely that, as soon as expropriation is fairly started, +groups of volunteers will spring up in every district, street, and block +of houses, and undertake to inquire into the number of flats and houses +which are empty and of those which are overcrowded, the unwholesome +slums, and the houses which are too spacious for their occupants and +might well be used to house those who are stifled in swarming tenements. +In a few days these volunteers would have drawn up complete lists for +the street and the district of all the flats, tenements, family mansions +and villa residences, all the rooms and suites of rooms, healthy and +unhealthy, small and large, f&oelig;tid dens and homes of luxury.</p> + +<p>Freely communicating with each other, these volunteers would soon have +their statistics complete. False statistics can be manufactured in board +rooms and offices, but true and exact statistics must begin with the +individual and mount up from the simple to the complex.</p> + +<p>Then, without waiting for anyone's leave, those citizens will probably +go and find their comrades who were living in miserable garrets and +hovels and will say to them simply: "It is a real Revolution this time, +comrades, and no mistake about it. Come to such a place this evening; +all the neighbourhood will be there; we are going to redistribute the +dwelling-houses. If you are tired of your slum-garret, come and choose +one of the flats of five rooms that are to be disposed of, and when you +have once moved in you shall stay, never fear. The people are up in +arms, and he who would venture to evict you will have to answer to +them."</p> + +<p>"But every one will want a fine house or a spacious flat!" we are +told.&mdash;No, you are quite mistaken. It is not the people's way to clamour +for the moon. On the contrary, every time we have seen them set about +repairing a wrong we have been struck by the good sense and instinct for +justice which<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_78" id="Page_78"></a></span> animates the masses. Have we ever known them demand the +impossible? Have we ever seen the people of Paris fighting among +themselves while waiting for their rations of bread or firewood during +the two sieges or during the terrible years of 1792-1794? The patience +and resignation which prevailed among them in 1871 was constantly +presented for admiration by the foreign Press correspondents; and yet +these patient waiters knew full well that the last comers would have to +pass the day without food or fire.</p> + +<p>We do not deny that there are plenty of egotistic instincts in isolated +individuals. We are quite aware of it. But we contend that the very way +to revive and nourish these instincts would be to confine such questions +as the housing of the people to any board or committee, in fact, to the +tender mercies of officialism in any shape or form. Then indeed all the +evil passions spring up, and it becomes a case of who is the most +influential person on the board. The least inequality causes wranglings +and recriminations. If the smallest advantage is given to any one, a +tremendous hue and cry is raised&mdash;and not without reason.</p> + +<p>But if the people themselves, organized by streets, districts, and +parishes, undertake to move the inhabitants of the slums into the +half-empty dwellings of the middle classes, the trifling inconveniences, +the little inequalities will be easily tided over. Rarely has appeal +been made to the good instincts of the masses&mdash;only as a last resort, to +save the sinking ship in times of revolution&mdash;but never has such an +appeal been made in vain; the heroism, the self-devotion of the toiler +has never failed to respond to it. And thus it will be in the coming +Revolution.</p> + +<p>But, when all is said and done, some inequalities, some inevitable +injustices, undoubtedly will remain. There are individuals in our +societies whom no great crisis can lift out of the deep mire of egoism +in which they are sunk. The question, however, is not whether there will +be injustices or no, but rather how to limit the number of them.</p> + +<p>Now all history, all the experience of the human race, and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_79" id="Page_79"></a></span> all social +psychology, unite in showing that the best and fairest way is to trust +the decision to those whom it concerns most nearly. It is they alone who +can consider and allow for the hundred and one details which must +necessarily be overlooked in any merely official redistribution.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>Moreover, it is by no means necessary to make straightway an absolutely +equal redistribution of all the dwellings. There will no doubt be some +inconveniences at first, but matters will soon be righted in a society +which has adopted expropriation.</p> + +<p>When the masons, and carpenters, and all who are concerned in house +building, know that their daily bread is secured to them, they will ask +nothing better than to work at their old trades a few hours a day. They +will adapt the fine houses, which absorbed the time of a whole staff of +servants, for giving shelter to several families, and in a few months +homes will have sprung up, infinitely healthier and more conveniently +arranged than those of to-day. And to those who are not yet comfortably +housed the anarchist Commune will be able to say: "Patience, comrades! +Palaces fairer and finer than any the capitalists built for themselves +will spring from the ground of our enfranchised city. They will belong +to those who have most need of them. The anarchist Commune does not +build with an eye to revenues. These monuments erected to its citizens, +products of the collective spirit, will serve as models to all humanity; +they will be yours."</p> + +<p>If the people of the Revolution expropriate the houses and proclaim free +lodgings&mdash;the communalizing of houses and the right of each family to a +decent dwelling&mdash;then the Revolution will have assumed a communistic +character from the first, and started on a course from which it will be +by no means easy to turn it. It will have struck a fatal blow at +individual property.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_80" id="Page_80"></a></span></p><p>For the expropriation of dwellings contains in germ the whole social +revolution. On the manner of its accomplishment depends the character of +all that follows. Either we shall start on a good road leading straight +to anarchist communism, or we shall remain sticking in the mud of +despotic individualism.</p> + +<p>It is easy to see the numerous objections&mdash;theoretic on the one hand, +practical on the other&mdash;with which we are sure to be met. As it will be +a question of maintaining iniquity at any price, our opponents will of +course protest "in the name of justice." "Is it not a crying shame," +they will exclaim, "that the people of Paris should take possession of +all these fine houses, while the peasants in the country have only +tumble-down huts to live in?" But do not let us make a mistake. These +enthusiasts for justice forget, by a lapse of memory to which they are +subject, the "crying shame" which they themselves are tacitly defending. +They forget that in this same city the worker, with his wife and +children, suffocates in a noisome garret, while from his window he sees +the rich man's palace. They forget that whole generations perish in +crowded slums, starving for air and sunlight, and that to redress this +injustice ought to be the first task of the Revolution.</p> + +<p>Do not let these disingenuous protests hold us back. We know that any +inequality which may exist between town and country in the early days of +the Revolution will be transitory and of a nature that will right itself +from day to day; for the village will not fail to improve its dwellings +as soon as the peasant has ceased to be the beast of burden of the +farmer, the merchant, the money-lender, and the State. In order to avoid +an accidental and transitory inequality, shall we stay our hand from +righting an ancient wrong?</p> + +<p>The so-called practical objections are not very formidable either. We +are bidden to consider the hard case of some poor fellow who by dint of +privation has contrived to buy a house just large enough to hold his +family. And we are going to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_81" id="Page_81"></a></span> deprive him of his hard-earned happiness, +to turn him into the street! Certainly not. If his house is only just +large enough for his family, by all means let him stay there. Let him +work in his little garden, too; our "boys" will not hinder him&mdash;nay, +they will lend him a helping hand if need be. But suppose he lets +lodgings, suppose he has empty rooms in his house; then the people will +make the lodger understand that he need not pay his former landlord any +more rent. Stay where you are, but rent free. No more duns and +collectors; Socialism has abolished all that!</p> + +<p>Or again, suppose that the landlord has a score of rooms all to himself, +and some poor woman lives near by with five children in one room. In +that case the people would see whether, with some alterations, these +empty rooms could not be converted into a suitable home for the poor +woman and her five children. Would not that be more just and fair than +to leave the mother and her five little ones languishing in a garret, +while Sir Gorgeous Midas sat at his ease in an empty mansion? Besides, +good Sir Gorgeous would probably hasten to do it of his own accord; his +wife will be delighted to be freed from half her big, unwieldy house +when there is no longer a staff of servants to keep it in order.</p> + +<p>"So you are going to turn everything upside down," say the defenders of +law and order. "There will be no end to the evictions and removals. +Would it not be better to start fresh by turning everybody out of doors +and redistributing the houses by lot?" Thus our critics; but we are +firmly persuaded that if no Government interferes in the matter, if all +the changes are entrusted to these free groups which have sprung up to +undertake the work, the evictions and removals will be less numerous +than those which take place in one year under the present system, owing +to the rapacity of landlords.</p> + +<p>In the first place, there are in all large towns almost enough empty +houses and flats to lodge all the inhabitants of the slums. As to the +palaces and suites of fine apartments, many<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_82" id="Page_82"></a></span> working people would not +live in them if they could. One could not "keep up" such houses without +a large staff of servants. Their occupants would soon find themselves +forced to seek less luxurious dwellings. The fine ladies would find that +palaces were not well adapted to self-help in the kitchen. Gradually +people would shake down. There would be no need to conduct Dives to a +garret at the bayonet's point, or install Lazarus in Dives's palace by +the help of an armed escort. People would shake down amicably into the +available dwellings with the least possible friction and disturbance. +Have we not the example of the village communes redistributing fields +and disturbing the owners of the allotments so little that one can only +praise the intelligence and good sense of the methods they employ? Fewer +fields change hands under the management of the Russian Commune than +where personal property holds sway, and is for ever carrying its +quarrels into courts of law. And are we to believe that the inhabitants +of a great European city would be less intelligent and less capable of +organization than Russian or Hindoo peasants?</p> + +<p>Moreover, we must not blink at the fact that every revolution means a +certain disturbance to everyday life, and those who expect this +tremendous climb out of the old grooves to be accomplished without so +much as jarring the dishes on their dinner tables will find themselves +mistaken. It is true that Governments can change without disturbing +worthy citizens at dinner, but the crimes of society towards those who +have nourished and supported it are not to be redressed by any such +political sleight of parties.</p> + +<p>Undoubtedly there will be a disturbance, but it must not be one of pure +loss; it must be minimized. And again&mdash;it is impossible to lay too much +stress on this maxim&mdash;it will be by addressing ourselves to the +interested parties, and not to boards and committees, that we shall best +succeed in reducing the sum of inconveniences for everybody.</p> + +<p>The people commit blunder on blunder when they have<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_83" id="Page_83"></a></span> to choose by ballot +some hare-brained candidate who solicits the honour of representing +them, and takes upon himself to know all, to do all, and to organize +all. But when they take upon themselves to organize what they know, what +touches them directly, they do it better than all the "talking-shops" +put together. Is not the Paris Commune an instance in point? and the +great dockers' strike? and have we not constant evidence of this fact in +every village commune?</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_5_5" id="Footnote_5_5"></a><a href="#FNanchor_5_5"><span class="label">[5]</span></a> The decree of the 30 March: by this decree rents due up to +the terms of October, 1870, and January and April, 1871, were annulled.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_84" id="Page_84"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VII" id="CHAPTER_VII"></a>CHAPTER VII</h2> + +<h3>CLOTHING</h3> + +<p>When the houses have become the common heritage of the citizens, and +when each man has his daily supply of food, another forward step will +have to be taken. The question of clothing will of course demand +consideration next, and again the only possible solution will be to take +possession, in the name of the people, of all the shops and warehouses +where clothing is sold or stored, and to throw open the doors to all, so +that each can take what he needs. The communalization of clothing&mdash;the +right of each to take what he needs from the communal stores, or to have +it made for him at the tailors and outfitters&mdash;is a necessary corollary +of the communalization of houses and food.</p> + +<p>Obviously we shall not need for that to despoil all citizens of their +coats, to put all the garments in a heap and draw lots for them, as our +critics, with equal wit and ingenuity, suggest. Let him who has a coat +keep it still&mdash;nay, if he have ten coats it is highly improbable that +any one will want to deprive him of them, for most folk would prefer a +new coat to one that has already graced the shoulders of some fat +bourgeois; and there will be enough new garments, and to spare, without +having recourse to second-hand wardrobes.</p> + +<p>If we were to take an inventory of all the clothes and stuff for +clothing accumulated in the shops and stores of the large towns, we +should find probably that in Paris, Lyons, Bordeaux, and Marseilles, +there was enough to enable the commune to offer garments to all the +citizens, of both sexes; and if all were not suited at once, the +communal outfitters would soon make good these shortcomings. We know how +rapidly<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_85" id="Page_85"></a></span> our great tailoring and dressmaking establishments work +nowadays, provided as they are with machinery specially adapted for +production on a large scale.</p> + +<p>"But every one will want a sable-lined coat or a velvet gown!" exclaim +our adversaries.</p> + +<p>Frankly, we do not believe it. Every woman does not dote on velvet nor +does every man dream of sable linings. Even now, if we were to ask each +woman to choose her gown, we should find some to prefer a simple, +practical garment to all the fantastic trimmings the fashionable world +affects.</p> + +<p>Tastes change with the times, and the fashion in vogue at the time of +the Revolution will certainly make for simplicity. Societies, like +individuals, have their hours of cowardice, but also their heroic +moments; and though the society of to-day cuts a very poor figure sunk +in the pursuit of narrow personal interests and second-rate ideas, it +wears a different air when great crises come. It has its moments of +greatness and enthusiasm. Men of generous nature will gain the power +which to-day is in the hand of jobbers. Self-devotion will spring up, +and noble deeds beget their like; even the egotists will be ashamed of +hanging back, and will be drawn in spite of themselves to admire, if not +to imitate, the generous and brave.</p> + +<p>The great Revolution of 1793 abounds in examples of this kind, and it is +always during such times of spiritual revival&mdash;as natural to societies +as to individuals&mdash;that the spring-tide of enthusiasm sweeps humanity +onwards.</p> + +<p>We do not wish to exaggerate the part played by such noble passions, nor +is it upon them that we would found our ideal of society. But we are not +asking too much if we expect their aid in tiding over the first and most +difficult moments. We cannot hope that our daily life will be +continuously inspired by such exalted enthusiasms, but we may expect +their aid at the first, and that is all we need.</p> + +<p>It is just to wash the earth clean, to sweep away the shards and refuse, +accumulated by centuries of slavery and oppression, that the new +anarchist society will have need of this wave of brotherly love. Later +on it can exist without <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_86" id="Page_86"></a></span>appealing to the spirit of self-sacrifice, +because it will have eliminated oppression, and thus created a new world +instinct with all the feelings of solidarity.</p> + +<p>Besides, should the character of the Revolution be such as we have +sketched here, the free initiative of individuals would find an +extensive field of action in thwarting the efforts of the egotists. +Groups would spring up in every street and quarter to undertake the +charge of the clothing. They would make inventories of all that the city +possessed, and would find out approximately what were the resources at +their disposal. It is more than likely that in the matter of clothing +the citizens would adopt the same principle as in the matter of +provisions&mdash;that is to say, they would offer freely from the common +store everything which was to be found in abundance, and dole out +whatever was limited in quantity.</p> + +<p>Not being able to offer to each man a sable-lined coat and to every +woman a velvet gown, society would probably distinguish between the +superfluous and the necessary, and, provisionally at least class sable +and velvet among the superfluities of life, ready to let time prove +whether what is a luxury to-day may not become common to all to-morrow. +While the necessary clothing would be guaranteed to each inhabitant of +the anarchist city, it would be left to private activity to provide for +the sick and feeble those things, provisionally considered as luxuries, +and to procure for the less robust such special articles, as would not +enter into the daily consumption of ordinary citizens.</p> + +<p>"But," it may be urged, "this means grey uniformity and the end of +everything beautiful in life and art."</p> + +<p>"Certainly not," we reply. And, still basing our reasonings on what +already exists, we are going to show how an Anarchist society could +satisfy the most artistic tastes of its citizens without allowing them +to amass the fortunes of millionaires.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_87" id="Page_87"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_VIII" id="CHAPTER_VIII"></a>CHAPTER VIII</h2> + +<h3>WAYS AND MEANS</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>If a society, a city or a territory were to guarantee the necessaries of +life to its inhabitants (and we shall see how the conception of the +necessaries of life can be so extended as to include luxuries), it would +be compelled to take possession of what is absolutely needed for +production; that is to say&mdash;land, machinery, factories, means of +transport, etc. Capital in the hands of private owners would be +expropriated, to be returned to the community.</p> + +<p>The great harm done by bourgeois society, as we have already mentioned, +is not only that capitalists seize a large share of the profits of each +industrial and commercial enterprise, thus enabling themselves to live +without working, but that all production has taken a wrong direction, as +it is not carried on with a view to securing well-being to all. There is +the reason why it must be condemned.</p> + +<p>It is absolutely impossible that mercantile production should be carried +on in the interest of all. To desire it would be to expect the +capitalist to go beyond his province and to fulfil duties that he +<i>cannot</i> fulfil without ceasing to be what he is&mdash;a private manufacturer +seeking his own enrichment. Capitalist organization, based on the +personal interest of each individual employer of labour, has given to +society all that could be expected of it: it has increased the +productive force of Labour. The capitalist, profiting by the revolution +effected in industry by steam, by the sudden development of chemistry +and machinery, and by other inventions of our century, has worked in his +own interest to increase the yield of human<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_88" id="Page_88"></a></span> labour, and in a great +measure he has succeeded so far. But to attribute other duties to him +would be unreasonable. For example, to expect that he should use this +superior yield of labour in the interest of society as a whole, would be +to ask philanthropy and charity of him, and a capitalist enterprise +cannot be based on charity.</p> + +<p>It now remains for society, first, to extend this greater productivity, +which is limited to certain industries, and to apply it to the general +good. But it is evident that to utilize this high productivity of +labour, so as to guarantee well-being to all, Society must itself take +possession of all means of production.</p> + +<p>Economists, as is their wont, will not fail to remind us of the +comparative well-being of a certain category of young robust workmen, +skilled in certain special branches of industry which has been obtained +under the present system. It is always this minority that is pointed out +to us with pride. But even this well-being, which is the exclusive right +of a few, is it secure? To-morrow, maybe, negligence, improvidence, or +the greed of their employers, will deprive these privileged men of their +work, and they will pay for the period of comfort they have enjoyed with +months and years of poverty or destitution. How many important +industries&mdash;the textiles, iron, sugar, etc.&mdash;without mentioning all +sorts of short-lived trades, have we not seen decline or come to a +standstill on account of speculations, or in consequence of natural +displacement of work, or from the effects of competition amongst the +capitalists themselves! If the chief textile and mechanical industries +had to pass through such a crisis as they have passed through in 1886, +we hardly need mention the small trades, all of which have their periods +of standstill.</p> + +<p>What, too, shall we say to the price which is paid for the relative +well-being of certain categories of workmen? Unfortunately, it is paid +for by the ruin of agriculture, the shameless exploitation of the +peasants, the misery of the masses. In comparison with the feeble +minority of workers who enjoy a certain comfort, how many millions of +human<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_89" id="Page_89"></a></span> beings live from hand to mouth, without a secure wage, ready to +go wherever they are wanted; how many peasants work fourteen hours a day +for a poor pittance! Capital depopulates the country, exploits the +colonies and the countries where industries are but little developed, +dooms the immense majority of workmen to remain without technical +education, to remain mediocre even in their own trade.</p> + +<p>This is not merely accidental, it is a <i>necessity</i> of the capitalist +system. In order well to remunerate certain classes of workmen, peasants +<i>must</i> become the beasts of burden of society; the country <i>must</i> be +deserted for the town; small trades must agglomerate in the foul suburbs +of large cities, and manufacture a thousand little things for next to +nothing, so as to bring the goods of the greater industries within reach +of buyers with small salaries. That bad cloth may be sold to ill-paid +workers, garments are made by tailors who are satisfied with a +starvation wage! Eastern lands in a backward state are exploited by the +West, in order that, under the capitalist system, workers in a few +privileged industries may obtain certain limited comforts of life.</p> + +<p>The evil of the present system is therefore not that the "surplus-value" +of production goes to the capitalist, as Rodbertus and Marx said, thus +narrowing the Socialist conception and the general view of the +capitalist system; the surplus-value itself is but a consequence of +deeper causes. The evil lies <i>in the possibility of a surplus-value +existing</i>, instead of a simple surplus not consumed by each generation; +for, that a surplus-value should exist, means that men, women and +children are compelled by hunger to sell their labour for a small part +of what this labour produces, and still more so, of what their labour is +capable of producing: But this evil will last as long as the instruments +of production belong to the few. As long as men are compelled to pay a +heavy tribute to property holders for the right of cultivating land or +putting machinery into action, and the owners of the land and the +machine are free to produce what bids fair to bring them in the largest +profits&mdash;rather than the greatest amount of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_90" id="Page_90"></a></span>useful +commodities&mdash;well-being can only be temporarily guaranteed to a very +few; it is only to be bought by the poverty of a large section of +society. It is not sufficient to distribute the profits realized by a +trade in equal parts, if at the same time thousands of other workers are +exploited. It is a case of <span class="smaller">PRODUCING THE GREATEST AMOUNT OF GOODS +NECESSARY TO THE WELL-BEING OF ALL, WITH THE LEAST POSSIBLE WASTE OF +HUMAN ENERGY</span>.</p> + +<p>This generalized aim cannot be the aim of a private owner; and this is +why society as a whole, if it takes this view of production as its +ideal, will be compelled to expropriate all that enhances well-being +while producing wealth. It will have to take possession of land, +factories, mines, means of communication, etc., and besides, it will +have to study what products will promote general well-being, as well as +the ways and means of an adequate production.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>How many hours a day will man have to work to produce nourishing food, a +comfortable home, and necessary clothing for his family? This question +has often preoccupied Socialists, and they generally came to the +conclusion that four or five hours a day would suffice, on condition, be +it well understood, that all men work. At the end of last century, +Benjamin Franklin fixed the limit at five hours; and if the need of +comfort is greater now, the power of production has augmented too, and +far more rapidly.</p> + +<p>In speaking of agriculture further on, we shall see what the earth can +be made to yield to man when he cultivates it in a reasonable way, +instead of throwing seed haphazard in a badly ploughed soil as he mostly +does to-day. In the great farms of Western America, some of which cover +30 square miles, but have a poorer soil than the manured soil of +civilized countries, only 10 to 15 English bushels per English acre are +obtained; that is to say, half the yield of European farms or of +American farms in the Eastern States. And <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_91" id="Page_91"></a></span>nevertheless, thanks to +machines which enable 2 men to plough 4 English acres a day, 100 men can +produce in a year all that is necessary to deliver the bread of 10,000 +people at their homes during a whole year.</p> + +<p>Thus it would suffice for a man to work under the same conditions for +<i>30 hours, say 6 half-days of five hours each, to have bread for a whole +year</i>; and to work 30 half-days to guarantee the same to a family of 5 +people.</p> + +<p>We shall also prove by results obtained nowadays, that if we took +recourse to intensive agriculture, less than 6 half-days' work could +procure bread, meat, vegetables, and even luxurious fruit for a whole +family.</p> + +<p>Again, if we study the cost of workmen's dwellings, built in large towns +to-day, we can ascertain that to obtain, in a large English city, a +semi-detached little house, as they are built for workmen for &pound;250, from +1400 to 1800 half-days' work of 5 hours would be sufficient. And as a +house of that kind lasts 50 years at least, it follows that 28 to 36 +half-days' work a year would provide well-furnished, healthy quarters, +with all necessary comfort for a family. Whereas when hiring the same +apartment from an employer, a workman pays from 75 to 100 days' work per +year.</p> + +<p>Mark that these figures represent the maximum of what a house costs in +England to-day, being given the defective organization of our societies. +In Belgium, workmen's houses in the <i>cit&eacute;s ouvri&egrave;res</i> have been built at +a much smaller cost. So that, taking everything into consideration, we +are justified in affirming that in a well-organized society 30 or 40 +half-days' work a year will suffice to guarantee a perfectly comfortable +home.</p> + +<p>There now remains clothing, the exact value of which is almost +impossible to fix, because the profits realized by a swarm of middlemen +cannot be estimated. Let us take cloth, for example, and add up all the +tribute levied on every yard of it by the landowners, the sheep owners, +the wool merchants, and all their intermediate agents, then by the +railway companies, mill-owners, weavers, dealers in ready-made<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_92" id="Page_92"></a></span> clothes, +sellers and commission agents, and we shall get then an idea of what we +pay to a whole swarm of capitalists for each article of clothing. That +is why it is perfectly impossible to say how many days' work an overcoat +that you pay &pound;3 or &pound;4 for in a large London shop represents.</p> + +<p>What is certain is that with present machinery it is possible to +manufacture an incredible amount of goods both cheaply and quickly.</p> + +<p>A few examples will suffice. Thus in the United States, in 751 cotton +mills (for spinning and weaving), 175,000 men and women produce +2,033,000,000 yards of cotton goods, besides a great quantity of thread. +On the average, more than 12,000 yards of cotton goods alone are +obtained by a 300 days' work of nine and one-half hours each, say 40 +yards of cotton in 10 hours. Admitting that a family needs 200 yards a +year at most, this would be equivalent to 50 hours' work, say <i>10 +half-days of 5 hours each</i>. And we should have thread besides; that is +to say, cotton to sew with, and thread to weave cloth with, so as to +manufacture woolen stuffs mixed with cotton.</p> + +<p>As to the results obtained by weaving alone, the official statistics of +the United States teach us that in 1870, if workmen worked 13 or 14 +hours a day, they made 10,000 yards of white cotton goods in a year; +sixteen years later (1886) they wove 30,000 yards by working only 55 +hours a week.</p> + +<p>Even in printed cotton goods they obtained, weaving and printing +included, 32,000 yards in 2670 hours of work a year&mdash;say about 12 yards +an hour. Thus to have your 200 yards of white and printed cotton goods +<i>17 hours' work a year</i> would suffice. It is necessary to remark that +raw material reaches these factories in about the same state as it comes +from the fields, and that the transformations gone through by the piece +before it is converted into goods are completed in the course of these +17 hours. But to <i>buy</i> these 200 yards from the tradesman, a well-paid +workman must give <i>at the very least</i> 10 to 15 days' work of 10 hours +each, say 100 to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_93" id="Page_93"></a></span> 150 hours. And as to the English peasant, he would +have to toil for a month, or a little more, to obtain this luxury.</p> + +<p>By this example we already see that by working <i>50 half-days per year</i> +in a well-organized society we could dress better than the lower middle +classes do to-day.</p> + +<p>But with all this we have only required 60 half-days' work of 5 hours +each to obtain the fruits of the earth, 40 for housing, and 50 for +clothing, which only makes half a year's work, as the year consists of +300 working-days if we deduct holidays.</p> + +<p>There remain still 150 half-days' work which could be made use of for +other necessaries of life&mdash;wine, sugar, coffee, tea, furniture, +transport, etc., etc.</p> + +<p>It is evident that these calculations are only approximative, but they +can also be proved in another way. When we take into account how many, +in the so-called civilized nations, produce nothing, how many work at +harmful trades, doomed to disappear, and lastly, how many are only +useless middlemen, we see that in each nation the number of real +producers could be doubled. And if, instead of every 10 men, 20 were +occupied in producing useful commodities, and if society took the +trouble to economize human energy, those 20 people would only have to +work 5 hours a day without production decreasing. And it would suffice +to reduce the waste of human energy which is going on in the rich +families with the scores of useless servants, or in the administrations +which occupy one official to every ten or even six inhabitants, and to +utilize those forces, to augment immensely the productivity of a nation. +In fact, work could be reduced to four or even three hours a day, to +produce all the goods that are produced now.</p> + +<p>After studying all these facts together, we may arrive, then, at the +following conclusion: Imagine a society, comprising a few million +inhabitants, engaged in agriculture and a great variety of +industries&mdash;Paris, for example, with the Department of Seine-et-Oise. +Suppose that in this society all children learn to work with their hands +as well as with their brains. Admit that all adults, save women, engaged +in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_94" id="Page_94"></a></span> education of their children, bind themselves to work <i>5 hours a +day</i> from the age of twenty or twenty-two to forty-five or fifty, and +that they follow occupations they have chosen themselves in any one of +those branches of human work which in this city are considered +<i>necessary</i>. Such a society could in return guarantee well-being to all +its members, a well-being more substantial than that enjoyed to-day by +the middle classes. And, moreover, each worker belonging to this society +would have at his disposal at least 5 hours a day which he could devote +to science, art, and individual needs which do not come under the +category of <i>necessities</i>, but will probably do so later on, when man's +productivity will have augmented, and those objects will no longer +appear luxurious or inaccessible.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_95" id="Page_95"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_IX" id="CHAPTER_IX"></a>CHAPTER IX</h2> + +<h3>THE NEED FOR LUXURY</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Man is not a being whose exclusive purpose in life is eating, drinking, +and providing a shelter for himself. As soon as his material wants are +satisfied, other needs, which, generally speaking, may be described as +of an artistic character, will thrust themselves forward. These needs +are of the greatest variety; they vary with each and every individual; +and the more society is civilized, the more will individuality be +developed, and the more will desires be varied.</p> + +<p>Even to-day we see men and women denying themselves necessaries to +acquire mere trifles, to obtain some particular gratification, or some +intellectual or material enjoyment. A Christian or an ascetic may +disapprove of these desires for luxury; but it is precisely these +trifles that break the monotony of existence and make it agreeable. +Would life, with all its inevitable drudge and sorrows, be worth living, +if, besides daily work, man could never obtain a single pleasure +according to his individual tastes?</p> + +<p>If we wish for a Social Revolution, it is no doubt, first of all, to +give bread to everyone; to transform this execrable society, in which we +can every day see capable workmen dangling their arms for want of an +employer who will exploit them; women and children wandering shelterless +at night; whole families reduced to dry bread; men, women, and children +dying for want of care and even for want of food. It is to put an end to +these iniquities that we rebel.</p> + +<p>But we expect more from the Revolution. We see that the worker, +compelled to struggle painfully for bare <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_96" id="Page_96"></a></span>existence, is reduced to +ignore the higher delights, the highest within man's reach, of science, +and especially of scientific discovery; of art, and especially of +artistic creation. It is in order to obtain for all of us joys that are +now reserved to a few; in order to give leisure and the possibility of +developing everyone's intellectual capacities, that the social +revolution must guarantee daily bread to all. After bread has been +secured, leisure is the supreme aim.</p> + +<p>No doubt, nowadays, when hundreds and thousands of human beings are in +need of bread, coal, clothing, and shelter, luxury is a crime; to +satisfy it, the worker's child must go without bread! But in a society +in which all have the necessary food and shelter, the needs which we +consider luxuries to-day will be the more keenly felt. And as all men do +not and cannot resemble one another (the variety of tastes and needs is +the chief guarantee of human progress) there will always be, and it is +desirable that there should always be, men and women whose desire will +go beyond those of ordinary individuals in some particular direction.</p> + +<p>Everybody does not need a telescope, because, even if learning were +general, there are people who prefer to examine things through a +microscope to studying the starry heavens. Some like statues, some like +pictures. A particular individual has no other ambition than to possess +a good piano, while another is pleased with an accordion. The tastes +vary, but the artistic needs exist in all. In our present, poor +capitalistic society, the man who has artistic needs cannot satisfy them +unless he is heir to a large fortune, or by dint of hard work +appropriates to himself an intellectual capital which will enable him to +take up a liberal profession. Still he cherishes the <i>hope</i> of some day +satisfying his tastes more or less, and for this reason he reproaches +the idealist Communist societies with having the material life of each +individual as their sole aim. "In your communal stores you may perhaps +have bread for all," he says to us, "but you will not have beautiful +pictures, optical instruments, luxurious furniture, artistic jewelry&mdash;in +short, the many things that minister to the infinite <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_97" id="Page_97"></a></span>variety of human +tastes. And you suppress the possibility of obtaining anything besides +the bread and meat which the commune can offer to all, and the drab +linen in which all your lady citizens will be dressed."</p> + +<p>These are the objections which all communist systems have to consider, +and which the founders of new societies, established in American +deserts, never understood. They believed that if the community could +procure sufficient cloth to dress all its members, a music-room in which +the "brothers" could strum a piece of music, or act a play from time to +time, it was enough. They forgot that the feeling for art existed in the +agriculturist as well as in the burgher, and, notwithstanding that the +expression of artistic feeling varies according to the difference in +culture, in the main it remains the same. In vain did the community +guarantee the common necessaries of life, in vain did it suppress all +education that would tend to develop individuality, in vain did it +eliminate all reading save the Bible. Individual tastes broke forth, and +caused general discontent; quarrels arose when somebody proposed to buy +a piano or scientific instruments; and the elements of progress flagged. +The society could only exist on condition that it crushed all individual +feeling, all artistic tendency, and all development.</p> + +<p>Will the anarchist Commune be impelled by the same direction?&mdash;Evidently +not, if it understands that while it produces all that is necessary to +material life, it must also strive to satisfy all manifestations of the +human mind.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>We frankly confess that when we think of the abyss of poverty and +suffering that surrounds us, when we hear the heartrending cry of the +worker walking the streets begging for work, we are loth to discuss the +question: How will men act in a society, whose members are properly fed, +to satisfy certain individuals desirous of possessing a piece of S&egrave;vres +china or a velvet dress?</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_98" id="Page_98"></a></span></p><p>We are tempted to answer: Let us make sure of bread to begin with, we +shall see to china and velvet later on.</p> + +<p>But as we must recognize that man has other needs besides food, and as +the strength of Anarchy lies precisely in that that it understands <i>all</i> +human faculties and <i>all</i> passions, and ignores none, we shall, in a few +words, explain how man can contrive to satisfy all his intellectual and +artistic needs.</p> + +<p>We have already mentioned that by working 4 or 5 hours a day till the +age of forty-five or fifty, man could easily produce <i>all</i> that is +necessary to guarantee comfort to society.</p> + +<p>But the day's work of a man accustomed to toil does not consist of 5 +hours; it is a 10 hours' day for 300 days a year, and lasts all his +life. Of course, when a man is harnessed to a machine, his health is +soon undermined and his intelligence is blunted; but when man has the +possibility of varying occupations, and especially of alternating manual +with intellectual work, he can remain occupied without fatigue, and even +with pleasure, for 10 or 12 hours a day. Consequently, the man who will +have done the 4 or 5 hours of manual work that are necessary for his +existence, will have before him 5 or 6 hours which he will seek to +employ according to his tastes. And these 5 or 6 hours a day will fully +enable him to procure for himself, if he associates with others, all he +wishes for, in addition to the necessaries guaranteed to all.</p> + +<p>He will discharge first his task in the field, the factory, and so on, +which he owes to society as his contribution to the general production. +And he will employ the second half of his day, his week, or his year, to +satisfy his artistic or scientific needs, or his hobbies.</p> + +<p>Thousands of societies will spring up to gratify every taste and every +possible fancy.</p> + +<p>Some, for example, will give their hours of leisure to literature. They +will then form groups comprising authors, compositors, printers, +engravers, draughtsmen, all pursuing a common aim&mdash;the propagation of +ideas that are dear to them.</p> + +<p>Nowadays an author knows that there is a beast of burden, the worker, to +whom, for the sum of a few shillings a day,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_99" id="Page_99"></a></span> he can entrust the printing +of his books; but he hardly cares to know what a printing office is +like. If the compositor suffers from lead-poisoning, and if the child +who sees to the machine dies of an&aelig;mia, are there not other poor +wretches to replace them?</p> + +<p>But when there will be no more starvelings ready to sell their work for +a pittance, when the exploited worker of to-day will be educated, and +will have his <i>own</i> ideas to put down in black and white and to +communicate to others, then the authors and scientific men will be +compelled to combine among themselves and with the printers, in order to +bring out their prose and their poetry.</p> + +<p>So long as men consider fustian and manual labour a mark of inferiority, +it will appear amazing to them to see an author setting up his own book +in type, for has he not a gymnasium or games by way of diversion? But +when the opprobrium connected with manual labor has disappeared, when +all will have to work with their hands, there being no one to do it for +them, then the authors as well as their admirers will soon learn the art +of handling composing-sticks and type; they will know the pleasure of +coming together&mdash;all admirers of the work to be printed&mdash;to set up the +type, to shape it into pages, to take it in its virginal purity from the +press. These beautiful machines, instruments of torture to the child who +attends on them from morn till night, will be a source of enjoyment for +those who will make use of them in order to give voice to the thoughts +of their favourite author.</p> + +<p>Will literature lose by it? Will the poet be less a poet after having +worked out of doors or helped with his hands to multiply his work? Will +the novelist lose his knowledge of human nature after having rubbed +shoulders with other men in the forest or the factory, in the laying out +of a road or on a railway line? Can there be two answers to these +questions?</p> + +<p>Maybe some books will be less voluminous; but then, more will be said on +fewer pages. Maybe fewer waste-sheets will be published; but the matter +printed will be more attentively read and more appreciated. The book +will appeal to a larger<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_100" id="Page_100"></a></span> circle of better educated readers, who will be +more competent to judge.</p> + +<p>Moreover, the art of printing, that has so little progressed since +Gutenberg, is still in its infancy. It takes two hours to compose in +type what is written in ten minutes, but more expeditious methods of +multiplying thought are being sought after and will be discovered.<a name="FNanchor_6_6" id="FNanchor_6_6"></a><a href="#Footnote_6_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p> + +<p>What a pity every author does not have to take his share in the printing +of his works! What progress printing would have already made! We should +no longer be using movable letters, as in the seventeenth century.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>Is it a dream to conceive a society in which&mdash;all having become +producers, all having received an education that enables them to +cultivate science or art, and all having leisure to do so&mdash;men would +combine to publish the works of their choice, by contributing each his +share of manual work? We have already hundreds of learned, literary, and +other societies; and these societies are nothing but voluntary groups of +men, interested in certain branches of learning, and associated for the +purpose of publishing their works. The authors who write for the +periodicals of these societies are not paid, and the periodicals, apart +from a limited number of copies, are not for sale; they are sent gratis +to all quarters of the globe, to other societies, cultivating the same +branches of learning. This member of the Society may insert in its +review a one-page note summarizing his observations; another may publish +therein an extensive work, the results of long years of study; while +others will confine themselves to consulting the review as a +starting-point for further research. It does not matter: all these +authors and readers are associated for the production of works in which +all of them take an interest.</p> + +<p>It is true that a learned society, like the individual author, goes to a +printing office where workmen are engaged to do<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_101" id="Page_101"></a></span> the printing. Nowadays, +those who belong to the learned societies despise manual labour which +indeed is carried on under very bad conditions; but a community which +would give a generous philosophic and <i>scientific</i> education to all its +members, would know how to organize manual labour in such a way that it +would be the pride of humanity. Its learned societies would become +associations of explorers, lovers of science, and workers&mdash;all knowing a +manual trade and all interested in science.</p> + +<p>If, for example, the Society is studying geology, all will contribute to +the exploration of the earth's strata; each member will take his share +in research, and ten thousand observers, where we have now only a +hundred, will do more in a year than we can do in twenty years. And when +their works are to be published, ten thousand men and women, skilled in +different trades, will be ready to draw maps, engrave designs, compose, +and print the books. With gladness will they give their leisure&mdash;in +summer to exploration, in winter to indoor work. And when their works +appear, they will find not only a hundred, but ten thousand readers +interested in their common work.</p> + +<p>This is the direction in which progress is already moving. Even to-day, +when England felt the need of a complete dictionary of the English +language, the birth of a Littr&eacute;, who would devote his life to this work, +was not waited for. Volunteers were appealed to, and a thousand men +offered their services, spontaneously and gratuitously, to ransack the +libraries, to take notes, and to accomplish in a few years a work which +one man could not complete in his lifetime. In all branches of human +intelligence the same spirit is breaking forth, and we should have a +very limited knowledge of humanity could we not guess that the future is +announcing itself in such tentative co-operation, which is gradually +taking the place of individual work.</p> + +<p>For this dictionary to be a really collective work, it would have been +necessary that many volunteer authors, printers, and printers' readers +should have worked in common; but <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_102" id="Page_102"></a></span>something in this direction is done +already in the Socialist Press, which offers us examples of manual and +intellectual work combined. It happens in our newspapers that a +Socialist author composes in lead his own article. True, such attempts +are rare, but they indicate in which direction evolution is going.</p> + +<p>They show the road of liberty. In future, when a man will have something +useful to say&mdash;a word that goes beyond the thoughts of his century, he +will not have to look for an editor who might advance the necessary +capital. He will look for collaborators among those who know the +printing trade, and who approve the idea of his new work. Together they +will publish the new book or journal.</p> + +<p>Literature and journalism will cease to be a means of money-making and +living at the cost of others. But is there any one who knows literature +and journalism from within, and who does not ardently desire that +literature should at last be able to free itself from those who formerly +protected it, and who now exploit it, and from the multitude, which, +with rare exceptions, pays for it in proportion to its mediocrity, or to +the ease with which it adapts itself to the bad taste o&pound; the greater +number?</p> + +<p>Letters and science will only take their proper place in the work of +human development when, freed from all mercenary bondage, they will be +exclusively cultivated by those who love them, and for those who love +them.</p> + +<h3>IV</h3> + +<p>Literature, science, and art must be cultivated by free men. Only on +this condition will they succeed in emancipating themselves from the +yoke of the State, of Capital, and of the bourgeois mediocrity which +stifles them.</p> + +<p>What means has the scientist of to-day to make researches that interest +him? Should he ask help of the State, which can only be given to one +candidate in a hundred, and which only he may obtain who promises +ostensibly to keep to the beaten<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_103" id="Page_103"></a></span> track? Let us remember how the Academy +of Sciences of France repudiated Darwin, how the Academy of St. +Petersburg treated Mendel&eacute;eff with contempt, and how the Royal Society +of London refused to publish Joule's paper, in which he determined the +mechanical equivalent of heat, finding it "unscientific."<a name="FNanchor_7_7" id="FNanchor_7_7"></a><a href="#Footnote_7_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p> + +<p>It was why all great researches, all discoveries revolutionizing +science, have been made outside academies and universities, either by +men rich enough to remain independent, like Darwin and Lyell, or by men +who undermined their health by working in poverty, and often in great +straits, losing endless time for want of a laboratory, and unable to +procure the instruments or books necessary to continue their researches, +but persevering against hope, and often dying before they had reached +the end in view. Their name is legion.</p> + +<p>Altogether, the system of help granted by the State is so bad that +science has always endeavoured to emancipate itself from it. For this +very reason there are thousands of learned societies organized and +maintained by volunteers in Europe and America,&mdash;some having developed +to such a degree that all the resources of subventioned societies, and +all the wealth of millionaires, would not buy their treasures. No +governmental institution is as rich as the Zoological Society of London, +which is supported by voluntary contributions.</p> + +<p>It does not buy the animals which in thousands people its gardens: they +are sent by other societies and by collectors of the entire world. The +Zoological Society of Bombay will send an elephant as a gift; another +time a hippopotamus or a rhinoceros is offered by Egyptian naturalists. +And these magnificent presents are pouring in every day, arriving from +all quarters of the globe&mdash;birds, reptiles, collections of insects, etc. +Such consignments often comprise animals that could not be bought for +all the gold in the world; thus a traveller who has captured an animal +at life's peril, and now loves it as he would love a child, will give it +to the Society because he is sure it will be cared for. The entrance fee +paid by visitors,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_104" id="Page_104"></a></span> and they are numberless, suffices for the maintenance +of that immense institution.</p> + +<p>What is defective in the Zoological Society of London, and in other +kindred societies, is that the member's fee cannot be paid in work; that +the keepers and numerous employes of this large institution are not +recognized as members of the Society, while many have no other incentive +to joining the society than to put the cabalistic letters F.Z.S (Fellow +of the Zoological Society) on their cards. In a word, what is needed is +a more perfect co-operation.</p> + +<p>We may say the same about inventors, that we have said of scientists. +Who does not know what sufferings nearly all great inventions have cost? +Sleepless nights, families deprived of bread, want of tools and +materials for experiments, this is the history of nearly all those who +have enriched industry with inventions which are the truly legitimate +pride of our civilization.</p> + +<p>But what are we to do to alter the conditions that everybody is +convinced are bad? Patents have been tried, and we know with what +results. The inventor sells his patent for a few pounds, and the man who +has only lent the capital pockets the enormous profits often resulting +from the invention. Besides, patents isolate the inventor. They compel +him to keep secret his researches which therefore end in failure; +whereas the simplest suggestion, coming from a brain less absorbed in +the fundamental idea, sometimes suffices to fertilize the invention and +make it practical. Like all State control, patents hamper the progress +of industry. Thought being incapable of being patented, patents are a +crying injustice in theory, and in practice they result in one of the +great obstacles to the rapid development of invention.</p> + +<p>What is needed to promote the spirit of invention is, first of all, the +awakening of thought, the boldness of conception, which our entire +education causes to languish; it is the spreading of a scientific +education, which would increase the number of inquirers a hundredfold; +it is faith that humanity is going to take a step forward, because it is +enthusiasm, the hope of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_105" id="Page_105"></a></span> doing good, that has inspired all the great +inventors. The Social Revolution alone can give this impulse to thought, +this boldness, this knowledge, this conviction of working for all.</p> + +<p>Then we shall have vast institutes supplied with motor-power and tools +of all sorts, immense industrial laboratories open to all inquirers, +where men will be able to work out their dreams, after having acquitted +themselves of their duty towards society; machinery palaces where they +will spend their five or six hours of leisure; where they will make +their experiments; where they will find other comrades, experts in other +branches of industry, likewise coming to study some difficult problem, +and therefore able to help and enlighten each other,&mdash;the encounter of +their ideas and experience causing the longed-for solution to be found. +And yet again, this is no dream. Solan&oacute;y Gorod&oacute;k, in Petersburg, has +already partially realized it as regards technical matters. It is a +factory well furnished with tools and free to all; tools and motor-power +are supplied gratis, only metals and wood are charged for at cost price. +Unfortunately workmen only go there at night when worn out by ten hours' +labour in the workshop. Moreover, they carefully hide their inventions +from each other, as they are hampered by patents and Capitalism&mdash;that +bane of present society, that stumbling-block in the path of +intellectual and moral progress.</p> + +<h3>V</h3> + +<p>And what about art? From all sides we hear lamentations about the +decadence of art. We are, indeed, far behind the great masters of the +Renaissance. The technicalities of art have recently made great +progress; thousands of people gifted with a certain amount of talent +cultivate every branch, but art seems to fly from civilization! +Technicalities make headway, but inspiration frequents artists' studios +less than ever.</p> + +<p>Where, indeed, should it come from? Only a grand idea<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_106" id="Page_106"></a></span> can inspire art. +<i>Art</i> is in our ideal synonymous with creation, it must look ahead; but +save a few rare, very rare exceptions, the professional artist remains +too philistine to perceive new horizons.</p> + +<p>Moreover, this inspiration cannot come from books; it must be drawn from +life, and present society cannot arouse it.</p> + +<p>Raphael and Murillo painted at a time when the search of a new ideal +could be pursued while retaining the old religious traditions. They +painted to decorate churches which themselves represented the pious work +of several generations of a given city. The basilic with its mysterious +aspect, its grandeur, was connected with the life itself of the city, +and could inspire a painter. He worked for a popular monument; he spoke +to his fellow-citizens, and in return he received inspiration; he +appealed to the multitude in the same way as did the nave, the pillars, +the stained windows, the statues, and the carved doors. Nowadays the +greatest honour a painter can aspire to is to see his canvas, framed in +gilded wood, hung in a museum, a sort of old curiosity shop, where you +see, as in the Prado, Murillo's Ascension next to a beggar of Velasquez +and the dogs of Philip II. Poor Velasquez and poor Murillo! Poor Greek +statues which <i>lived</i> in the Acropolis of their cities, and are now +stifled beneath the red cloth hangings of the Louvre!</p> + +<p>When a Greek sculptor chiseled his marble he endeavored to express the +spirit and heart of the city. All its passions, all its traditions of +glory, were to live again in the work. But to-day the <i>united</i> city has +ceased to exist; there is no more communion of ideas. The town is a +chance agglomeration of people who do not know one another, who have no +common interest, save that of enriching themselves at the expense of one +another. The fatherland does not exist.... What fatherland can the +international banker and the rag-picker have in common? Only when +cities, territories, nations, or groups of nations, will have renewed +their harmonious life, will art be able to draw its inspiration from +<i>ideals held in common</i>. Then will the architect conceive the city's +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_107" id="Page_107"></a></span>monument which will no longer be a temple, a prison, or a fortress; +then will the painter, the sculptor, the carver, the ornament-worker +know where to put their canvases, their statues, and their decoration; +deriving their power of execution from the same vital source, and +gloriously marching all together towards the future.</p> + +<p>But till then art can only vegetate. The best canvases of modern artists +are those that represent nature, villages, valleys, the sea with its +dangers, the mountain with its splendours. But how can the painter +express the poetry of work in the fields if he has only contemplated it, +imagined it, if he has never delighted in it himself? If he only knows +it as a bird of passage knows the country he soars over in his +migrations? If, in the vigour of early youth, he has not followed the +plough at dawn, and enjoyed mowing grass with a large sweep of the +scythe next to hardy haymakers vying in energy with lively young girls +who fill the air with their songs? The love of the soil and of what +grows on it is not acquired by sketching with a paint-brush&mdash;it is only +in its service; and without loving it, how paint it? This is why all +that the best painters have produced in this direction is still so +imperfect, not true to life, nearly always merely sentimental. There is +no <i>strength</i> in it.</p> + +<p>You must have seen a sunset when returning from work. You must have been +a peasant among peasants to keep the splendour of it in your eye. You +must have been at sea with fishermen at all hours of the day and night, +have fished yourself, struggled with the waves, faced the storm, and +after rough work experienced the joy of hauling a heavy net, or the +disappointment of seeing it empty, to understand the poetry of fishing. +You must have spent time in a factory, known the fatigues and the joys +of creative work, forged metals by the vivid light of a blast furnace, +have felt the life in a machine, to understand the power of man and to +express it in a work of art. You must, in fact, be permeated with +popular feelings, to describe them.</p> + +<p>Besides, the works of future artists who will have lived the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_108" id="Page_108"></a></span> life of +the people, like the great artists of the past, will not be destined for +sale. They will be an integral part of a living whole that would not be +complete without them, any more than they would be complete without it. +Men will go to the artist's own city to gaze at his work, and the +spirited and serene beauty of such creations will produce its beneficial +effect on heart and mind.</p> + +<p>Art, in order to develop, must be bound up with industry by a thousand +intermediate degrees, blended, so to say, as Ruskin and the great +Socialist poet Morris have proved so often and so well. Everything that +surrounds man, in the street, in the interior and exterior of public +monuments, must be of a pure artistic form.</p> + +<p>But this can only be realized in a society in which all enjoy comfort +and leisure. Then only shall we see art associations, of which each +member will find room for his capacity; for art cannot dispense with an +infinity of purely manual and technical supplementary works. These +artistic associations will undertake to embellish the houses of their +members, as those kind volunteers, the young painters of Edinburgh, did +in decorating the walls and ceilings of the great hospital for the poor +in their city.</p> + +<p>A painter or sculptor who has produced a work of personal feeling will +offer it to the woman he loves, or to a friend. Executed for love's +sake,&mdash;will his work, inspired by love, be inferior to the art that +to-day satisfies the vanity of the philistine, because it has cost much +money?</p> + +<p>The same will be done as regards all pleasures not comprised in the +necessaries of life. He who wishes for a grand piano will enter the +association of musical instrument makers. And by giving the association +part of his half-days' leisure, he will soon possess the piano of his +dreams. If he is fond of astronomical studies he will join the +association of astronomers, with its philosophers, its observers, its +calculators, with its artists in astronomical instruments, its +scientists and amateurs, and he will have the telescope he desires by +taking his share of the associated work, for it is especially the rough +work<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_109" id="Page_109"></a></span> that is needed in an astronomical observatory&mdash;bricklayer's, +carpenter's, founder's, mechanic's work, the last touch being given to +the instrument of precision by the artist.</p> + +<p>In short, the five or seven hours a day which each will have at his +disposal, after having consecrated several hours to the production of +necessities, would amply suffice to satisfy all longings for luxury, +however varied. Thousands of associations would undertake to supply +them. What is now the privilege of an insignificant minority would be +accessible to all. Luxury, ceasing to be a foolish and ostentatious +display of the bourgeois class, would become an artistic pleasure.</p> + +<p>Everyone would be the happier for it. In collective work, performed with +a light heart to attain a desired end, a book, a work of art, or an +object of luxury, each will find an incentive and the necessary +relaxation that makes life pleasant.</p> + +<p>In working to put an end to the division between master and slave, we +work for the happiness of both, for the happiness of humanity.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_6_6" id="Footnote_6_6"></a><a href="#FNanchor_6_6"><span class="label">[6]</span></a> They <i>have</i> already been discovered since the above lines +were written.</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_7_7" id="Footnote_7_7"></a><a href="#FNanchor_7_7"><span class="label">[7]</span></a> We know this from Playfair, who mentioned it at Joule's +death.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_110" id="Page_110"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_X" id="CHAPTER_X"></a>CHAPTER X</h2> + +<h3>AGREEABLE WORK</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>When Socialists maintain that a society, freed from the rule of the +capitalists, would make work agreeable, and would suppress all repugnant +and unhealthy drudgery, they are laughed at. And yet even to-day we can +see the striking progress that is being made in this direction; and +wherever this progress has been achieved, employers congratulate +themselves on the economy of energy obtained thereby.</p> + +<p>It is evident that a factory could be made as healthy and pleasant as a +scientific laboratory. And it is no less evident that it would be +advantageous to make it so. In a spacious and well-ventilated factory +the work is better; it is easy to introduce many small ameliorations, of +which each represents an economy of time or of manual labour. And if +most of the workshops we know are foul and unhealthy, it is because the +workers are of no account in the organization of factories, and because +the most absurd waste of human energy is the distinctive feature of the +present industrial organization.</p> + +<p>Nevertheless, now and again, we already find, even now, some factories +so well managed that it would be a real pleasure to work in them, if the +work, be it well understood, were not to last more than four or five +hours a day, and if every one had the possibility of varying it +according to his tastes.</p> + +<p>There are immense works, which I know, in one of the Midland counties, +unfortunately consecrated to engines of war. They are perfect as regards +sanitary and intelligent organization. They occupy fifty English acres +of land, fifteen of which are roofed with glass. The pavement of +fire-proof<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_111" id="Page_111"></a></span> bricks is as clean as that of a miner's cottage, and the +glass roof is carefully cleaned by a gang of workmen who do nothing +else. In these works are forged steel ingots or blooms weighing as much +as twenty tons; and when you stand thirty feet from the immense furnace, +whose flames have a temperature of more than a thousand degrees, you do +not guess its presence save when its great doors open to let out a steel +monster. And the monster is handled by only three or four workmen, who +now here, now there, open a tap causing immense cranes to move one way +or another by the pressure of water.</p> + +<p>You enter these works expecting to hear the deafening noise of stampers, +and you find that there are no stampers. The immense hundred-ton guns +and the crank-shafts of transatlantic steamers are forged by hydraulic +pressure, and the worker has but to turn a tap to give shape to the +immense mass of steel, which makes a far more homogeneous metal, without +crack or flaw, of the blooms, whatever be their thickness.</p> + +<p>I expected an infernal grating, and I saw machines which cut blocks of +steel thirty feet long with no more noise than is needed to cut cheese. +And when I expressed my admiration to the engineer who showed us round, +he answered&mdash;</p> + +<p>"A mere question of economy! This machine, that planes steel, has been +in use for forty-two years. It would not have lasted ten years if its +parts, badly adjusted, 'interfered' and creaked at each movement of the +plane!</p> + +<p>"And the blast-furnaces? It would be a waste to let heat escape instead +of utilizing it. Why roast the founders, when heat lost by radiation +represents tons of coal?</p> + +<p>"The stampers that made buildings shake five leagues off were also +waste. Is it not better to forge by pressure than by impact, and it +costs less&mdash;there is less loss.</p> + +<p>"In these works, light, cleanliness, the space allotted to each bench, +are but a simple question of economy. Work is better done when you can +see what you do, and have elbow-room.</p> + +<p>"It is true," he said, "we were very cramped before <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_112" id="Page_112"></a></span>coming here. Land +is so expensive in the vicinity of large towns&mdash;landlords are so +grasping!"</p> + +<p>It is even so in mines. We know what mines are like nowadays from Zola's +descriptions and from newspaper reports. But the mine of the future will +be well ventilated, with a temperature as easily regulated as that of a +library; there will be no horses doomed to die below the earth: +underground traction will be carried on by means of an automatic cable +put into motion at the pit's mouth. Ventilators will be always working, +and there will never be explosions. This is no dream, such a mine is +already to be seen in England; I went down it. Here again the excellent +organization is simply a question of economy. The mine of which I speak, +in spite of its immense depth (466 yards), has an output of a thousand +tons of coal a day, with only two hundred miners&mdash;five tons a day per +each worker, whereas the average for the two thousand pits in England at +the time I visited this mine in the early 'nineties, was hardly three +hundred tons a year per man.</p> + +<p>If necessary, it would be easy to multiply examples proving that as +regards the material organization Fourier's dream was not a Utopia.</p> + +<p>This question has, however, been so frequently discussed in Socialist +newspapers that public opinion should already be educated on this point. +Factory, forge and mine <i>can</i> be as healthy and magnificent as the +finest laboratories in modern universities, and the better the +organization the more will man's labour produce.</p> + +<p>If it be so, can we doubt that work will become a pleasure and a +relaxation in a society of equals, in which "hands" will not be +compelled to sell themselves to toil, and to accept work under any +conditions? Repugnant tasks will disappear, because it is evident that +these unhealthy conditions are harmful to society as a whole. Slaves can +submit to them, but free men will create new conditions, and their work +will be pleasant and infinitely more productive. The exceptions of +to-day will be the rule of to-morrow.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_113" id="Page_113"></a></span></p><p>The same will come to pass as regards domestic work, which to-day +society lays on the shoulders of that drudge of humanity&mdash;woman.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>A society regenerated by the Revolution will make domestic slavery +disappear&mdash;this last form of slavery, perhaps the most tenacious, +because it is also the most ancient. Only it will not come about in the +way dreamt of by Phalansterians, nor in the manner often imagined by +authoritarian Communists.</p> + +<p>Phalansteries are repugnant to millions of human beings. The most +reserved man certainly feels the necessity of meeting his fellows for +the purpose of common work, which becomes the more attractive the more +he feels himself a part of an immense whole. But it is not so for the +hours of leisure, reserved for rest and intimacy. The phalanstery and +the familystery do not take this into account, or else they endeavour to +supply this need by artificial groupings.</p> + +<p>A phalanstery, which is in fact nothing but an immense hotel, can please +some, and even all at a certain period of their life, but the great mass +prefers family life (family life of the future, be it understood). They +prefer isolated apartments, Anglo-Saxons even going as far as to prefer +houses of from six to eight rooms, in which the family, or an +agglomeration of friends, can live apart. Sometimes a phalanstery is a +necessity, but it would be hateful, were it the general rule. Isolation, +alternating with time spent in society, is the normal desire of human +nature. This is why one of the greatest tortures in prison is the +impossibility of isolation, much as solitary confinement becomes torture +in its turn, when not alternated with hours of social life.</p> + +<p>As to considerations of economy, which are sometimes laid stress on in +favour of phalansteries, they are those of a petty tradesman. The most +important economy, the only reasonable one, is to make life pleasant for +all, because the man who is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_114" id="Page_114"></a></span> satisfied with his life produces infinitely +more than the man who curses his surroundings.<a name="FNanchor_8_8" id="FNanchor_8_8"></a><a href="#Footnote_8_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a></p> + +<p>Other Socialists reject the phalanstery. But when you ask them how +domestic work can be organized, they answer: "Each can do 'his own +work.' My wife manages the house; the wives of bourgeois will do as +much." And if it is a bourgeois playing at Socialism who speaks, he will +add, with a gracious smile to his wife: "Is it not true, darling, that +you would do without a servant in the Socialist society? You would work +like the wife of our good comrade Paul or the wife of John the +carpenter?"</p> + +<p>Servant or wife, man always reckons on woman to do the house-work.</p> + +<p>But woman, too, at last claims her share in the emancipation of +humanity. She no longer wants to be the beast of burden of the house. +She considers it sufficient work to give many years of her life to the +rearing of her children. She no longer wants to be the cook, the mender, +the sweeper of the house! And, owing to American women taking the lead +in obtaining their claims, there is a general complaint of the dearth of +women who will condescend to domestic work in the United States. My lady +prefers art, politics, literature, or the gaming tables; as to the +work-girls, they are few, those who consent to submit to apron-slavery, +and servants are only found with difficulty in the States. Consequently, +the solution, a very simple one, is pointed out by life itself. +Machinery undertakes three-quarters of the household cares.</p> + +<p>You black your boots, and you know how ridiculous this work is. What can +be more stupid than rubbing a boot twenty or thirty times with a brush? +A tenth of the European <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_115" id="Page_115"></a></span>population must be compelled to sell itself in +exchange for a miserable shelter and insufficient food, and woman must +consider herself a slave, in order that millions of her sex should go +through this performance every morning.</p> + +<p>But hairdressers have already machines for brushing glossy or woolly +heads of hair. Why should we not apply, then, the same principle to the +other extremity? So it has been done, and nowadays the machine for +blacking boots is in general use in big American and European hotels. +Its use is spreading outside hotels. In large English schools, where the +pupils are boarding in the houses of the teachers, it has been found +easier to have one single establishment which undertakes to brush a +thousand pairs of boots every morning.</p> + +<p>As to washing up! Where can we find a housewife who has not a horror of +this long and dirty work, that is usually done by hand, solely because +the work of the domestic slave is of no account.</p> + +<p>In America they do better. There are already a number of cities in which +hot water is conveyed to the houses as cold water is in Europe. Under +these conditions the problem was a simple one, and a woman&mdash;Mrs. +Cochrane&mdash;solved it. Her machine washes twelve dozen plates or dishes, +wipes them and dries them, in less than three minutes. A factory in +Illinois manufactures these machines and sells them at a price within +reach of the average middle-class purse. And why should not small +households send their crockery to an establishment as well as their +boots? It is even probable that the two functions, brushing and washing +up, will be undertaken by the same association.</p> + +<p>Cleaning, rubbing the skin off your hands when washing and wringing +linen; sweeping floors and brushing carpets, thereby raising clouds of +dust which afterwards occasion much trouble to dislodge from the places +where they have settled down, all this work is still done because woman +remains a slave, but it tends to disappear as it can be infinitely +better done by machinery. Machines of all kinds will be introduced into +households, and the distribution of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_116" id="Page_116"></a></span>motor-power in private houses will +enable people to work them without muscular effort.</p> + +<p>Such machines cost little to manufacture. If we still pay very much for +them, it is because they are not in general use, and chiefly because an +exorbitant tax is levied upon every machine by the gentlemen who wish to +live in grand style and who have speculated on land, raw material, +manufacture, sale, patents, and duties.</p> + +<p>But emancipation from domestic toil will not be brought about by small +machines only. Households are emerging from their present state of +isolation; they begin to associate with other households to do in common +what they did separately.</p> + +<p>In fact, in the future we shall not have a brushing machine, a machine +for washing up plates, a third for washing linen, and so on, in each +house. To the future, on the contrary, belongs the common heating +apparatus that sends heat into each room of a whole district and spares +the lighting of fires. It is already so in a few American cities. A +great central furnace supplies all houses and all rooms with hot water, +which circulates in pipes; and to regulate the temperature you need only +turn a tap. And should you care to have a blazing fire in any particular +room you can light the gas specially supplied for heating purposes from +a central reservoir. All the immense work of cleaning chimneys and +keeping up fires&mdash;and woman knows what time it takes&mdash;is disappearing.</p> + +<p>Candles, lamps, and even gas have had their day. There are entire cities +in which it is sufficient to press a button for light to burst forth, +and, indeed, it is a simple question of economy and of knowledge to give +yourself the luxury of electric light. And lastly, also in America, they +speak of forming societies for the almost complete suppression of +household work. It would only be necessary to create a department for +every block of houses. A cart would come to each door and take the boots +to be blacked, the crockery to be washed up, the linen to be washed, the +small things to be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_117" id="Page_117"></a></span> mended (if it were worth while), the carpets to be +brushed, and the next morning would bring back the things entrusted to +it, all well cleaned. A few hours later your hot coffee and your eggs +done to a nicety would appear on your table. It is a fact that between +twelve and two o'clock there are more than twenty million Americans and +as many Englishmen who eat roast beef or mutton, boiled pork, potatoes +and a seasonable vegetable. And at the lowest figure eight million fires +burn during two or three hours to roast this meat and cook these +vegetables; eight million women spend their time preparing a meal which, +taking all households, represents at most a dozen different dishes.</p> + +<p>"Fifty fires burn," wrote an American woman the other day, "where one +would suffice!" Dine at home, at your own table, with your children, if +you like; but only think yourself, why should these fifty women waste +their whole morning to prepare a few cups of coffee and a simple meal! +Why fifty fires, when two people and one single fire would suffice to +cook all these pieces of meat and all these vegetables? Choose your own +beef or mutton to be roasted if you are particular. Season the +vegetables to your taste if you prefer a particular sauce! But have a +single kitchen with a single fire and organize it as beautifully as you +are able to.</p> + +<p>Why has woman's work never been of any account? Why in every family are +the mother and three or four servants obliged to spend so much time at +what pertains to cooking? Because those who want to emancipate mankind +have not included woman in their dream of emancipation, and consider it +beneath their superior masculine dignity to think "of those kitchen +arrangements," which they have put on the shoulders of that +drudge&mdash;woman.</p> + +<p>To emancipate woman, is not only to open the gates of the university, +the law courts, or the parliaments to her, for the "emancipated" woman +will always throw her domestic toil on to another woman. To emancipate +woman is to free her from the brutalizing toil of kitchen and washhouse; +it is to organize your household in such a way as to enable her to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_118" id="Page_118"></a></span> rear +her children, if she be so minded, while still retaining sufficient +leisure to take her share of social life.</p> + +<p>It will come. As we have said, things are already improving. Only let us +fully understand that a revolution, intoxicated with the beautiful +words, Liberty, Equality, Solidarity, would not be a revolution if it +maintained slavery at home. Half humanity subjected to the slavery of +the hearth would still have to rebel against the other half.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_8_8" id="Footnote_8_8"></a><a href="#FNanchor_8_8"><span class="label">[8]</span></a> It seems that the Communists of Young Icaria had understood +the importance of a free choice in their daily relations apart from +work. The ideal of religious Communists has always been to have meals in +common; it is by meals in common that early Christians manifested their +adhesion to Christianity. Communion is still a vestige of it. Young +Icarians had given up this religious tradition. They dined in a common +dining room, but at small separate tables, at which they sat according +to the attractions of the moment. The Communists of Anama have each +their house and dine at home, while taking their provisions at will at +the communal stores.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_119" id="Page_119"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XI" id="CHAPTER_XI"></a>CHAPTER XI</h2> + +<h3>FREE AGREEMENT</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Accustomed as we are by heredity prejudices and our unsound education +and training to represent ourselves the beneficial hand of Government, +legislation and magistracy everywhere, we have come to believe that man +would tear his fellow-man to pieces like a wild beast the day the police +took his eye off him; that absolute chaos would come about if authority +were overthrown during a revolution. And with our eyes shut we pass by +thousands and thousands of human groupings which form themselves freely, +without any intervention of the law, and attain results infinitely +superior to those achieved under governmental tutelage.</p> + +<p>If you open a daily paper you find that its pages are entirely devoted +to Government transactions and to political jobbery. A man from another +world, reading it, would believe that, with the exception of the Stock +Exchange transactions, nothing gets done in Europe save by order of some +master. You find nothing in the paper about institutions that spring up, +grow up, and develop without ministerial prescription! Nothing&mdash;or +almost nothing! Even where there is a heading, "Sundry Events" (<i>Faits +divers</i>, a favorite column in the French papers), it is because they are +connected with the police. A family drama, an act of rebellion, will +only be mentioned if the police have appeared on the scene.</p> + +<p>Three hundred and fifty million Europeans love or hate one another, +work, or live on their incomes; but, apart from literature, theatre, or +sport, their lives remain ignored by newspapers if Governments have not +intervened in it in some way or other. It is even so with history. We +know the least<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_120" id="Page_120"></a></span> details of the life of a king or of a parliament; all +good and bad speeches pronounced by the politicians have been preserved: +"speeches that have never had the least influence on the vote of a +single member," as an old parliamentarian said. Royal visits, the good +or bad humour of politicians, their jokes and intrigues, are all +carefully recorded for posterity. But we have the greatest difficulty to +reconstitute a city of the Middle Ages, to understand the mechanism of +that immense commerce that was carried on between Hanseatic cities, or +to know how the city of Rouen built its cathedral. If a scholar spends +his life in studying these questions, his works remain unknown, and +parliamentary histories&mdash;that is to say, the defective ones, as they +only treat of one side of social life&mdash;multiply; they are circulated, +they are taught in schools.</p> + +<p>In this way we do not even perceive the prodigious work, accomplished +every day by spontaneous groups of men, which constitutes the chief work +of our century.</p> + +<p>We therefore propose to point out some of these most striking +manifestations, and to show how men, as soon as their interests do not +absolutely clash, act in concert, harmoniously, and perform collective +work of a very complex nature.</p> + +<p>It is evident that in present society, based on individual +property&mdash;that is to say, on plunder, and on a narrow-minded, and +therefore foolish individualism&mdash;facts of this kind are necessarily +limited; agreements are not always perfectly free, and often they have a +mean, if not execrable aim.</p> + +<p>But what concerns us is not to give examples which might be blindly +followed, and which, moreover, present society could not possibly give +us. What we have to do is to show that, in spite of the authoritarian +individualism which stifles us, there remains in our life, taken as a +whole, a very great part in which we only act by free agreement; and +that therefore it would be much easier than is usually thought, to +dispense with Government.</p> + +<p>In support of our view we have already mentioned railways, and we will +now return to them.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_121" id="Page_121"></a></span></p><p>We know that Europe has a system of railways, over 175,000 miles long, +and that on this network you can nowadays travel from north to south, +from east to west, from Madrid to Petersburg, and from Calais to +Constantinople, without delays, without even changing carriages (when +you travel by express). More than that: a parcel deposited at a station +will find its addressee anywhere, in Turkey or in Central Asia, without +more formality needed for sending it than writing its destination on a +bit of paper.</p> + +<p>This result might have been obtained in two ways. A Napoleon, a +Bismarck, or some potentate having conquered Europe, would from Paris, +Berlin, or Rome, draw a railway map and regulate the hours of the +trains. The Russian Tsar Nicholas I. dreamt of such a power. When he was +shown rough drafts of railways between Moscow and Petersburg, he seized +a ruler and drew on the map of Russia a straight line between these two +capitals, saying, "Here is the plan." And the road was built in a +straight line, filling in deep ravines, building bridges of a giddy +height, which had to be abandoned a few years later, after the railway +had cost about &pound;120,000 to &pound;150,000 per English mile.</p> + +<p>This is one way, but happily things were managed differently. Railways +were constructed piece by piece, the pieces were joined together, and +the hundred different companies, to whom these pieces belonged, +gradually came to an understanding concerning the arrival and departure +of their trains, and the running of carriages on their rails, from all +countries, without unloading merchandise as it passes from one network +to another.</p> + +<p>All this was done by free agreement, by exchange of letters and +proposals, and by congresses at which delegates met to discuss well +specified special points, and to come to an agreement about them, but +not to make laws. After the congress was over, the delegates returned to +their respective companies, not with a law, but with the draft of a +contract to be accepted or rejected.</p> + +<p>Of course difficulties were met in the way. There were<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_122" id="Page_122"></a></span> obstinate men +who would not be convinced. But a common interest compelled them to +agree in the end, without invoking the help of armies against the +refractory members.</p> + +<p>This immense network of railways connected together, and the enormous +traffic it has given rise to, no doubt constitutes the most striking +trait of the nineteenth century; and it is the result of free agreement. +If somebody had foretold it eighty years ago, our grandfathers would +have thought him idiotic or mad. They would have said: "Never will you +be able to make the shareholders of a hundred companies listen to +reason! It is a Utopia, a fairy tale. A central Government, with an +'iron' dictator, can alone enforce it."</p> + +<p>And the most interesting thing in this organization is, that there is no +European Central Government of Railways! Nothing! No minister of +railways, no dictator, not even a continental parliament, not even a +directing committee! Everything is done by free agreement.</p> + +<p>So we ask the believers in the State, who pretend that "we can never do +without a central Government, were it only for regulating the traffic," +we ask them: "But how do European railways manage without them? How do +they continue to convey millions of travellers and mountains of luggage +across a continent? If companies owning railways have been able to +agree, why should railway workers, who would take possession of +railways, not agree likewise? And if the Petersburg-Warsaw Company and +that of Paris-Belfort can act in harmony, without giving themselves the +luxury of a common commander, why, in the midst of our societies, +consisting of groups of free workers, should we need a Government?"</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>When we endeavour to prove by examples that even to-day, in spite of the +iniquitous organization of society as a whole, men, provided their +interests be not diametrically opposed, agree without the intervention +of authority, we do not ignore the objections that will be put forth.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_123" id="Page_123"></a></span></p><p>All such examples have their defective side, because it is impossible +to quote a single organization exempt from the exploitation of the weak +by the strong, the poor by the rich. This is why the Statists will not +fail to tell us with their wonted logic: "You see that the intervention +of the State is necessary to put an end to this exploitation!"</p> + +<p>Only they forget the lessons of history; they do not tell us to what +extent the State itself has contributed towards the existing order by +creating proletarians and delivering them up to exploiters. They forget +to prove us that it is possible to put an end to exploitation while the +primal causes&mdash;private capital and poverty, two-thirds of which are +artificially created by the State&mdash;continue to exist.</p> + +<p>When we speak of the accord established among the railway companies, we +expect them, the worshippers of the bourgeois State, to say to us: "Do +you not see how the railway companies oppress and ill-use their +employees and the travellers! The only way is, that the State should +intervene to protect the workers and the public!"</p> + +<p>But have we not said and repeated over and over again, that as long as +there are capitalists, these abuses of power will be perpetuated? It is +precisely the State, the would-be benefactor, that has given to the +companies that monopoly and those rights upon us which they possess +to-day. Has it not created concessions, guarantees? Has it not sent its +soldiers against railwaymen on strike? And during the first trials +(quite lately we saw it still in Russia), has it not extended the +privilege of the railway magnates as far as to forbid the Press to +mention railway accidents, so as not to depreciate the shares it +guaranteed? Has it not favoured the monopoly which has anointed the +Vanderbilts and the Polyakoffs, the directors of the P.L.M., the C.P.R., +the St. Gothard, "the kings of our days"?</p> + +<p>Therefore, if we give as an example the tacit agreement come to between +railway companies, it is by no means as an ideal of economical +management, nor even an ideal of technical organization. It is to show +that if capitalists, without<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_124" id="Page_124"></a></span> any other aim than that of augmenting +their dividends at other people's expense, can exploit railways +successfully without establishing an International +Department,&mdash;societies of working men will be able to do it just as +well, and even better, without nominating a Ministry of European +railways.</p> + +<p>Another objection is raised that is more serious at first sight. We may +be told that the agreement we speak of is not perfectly <i>free</i>, that the +large companies lay down the law to the small ones. It might be +mentioned, for example, that a certain rich German company, supported by +the State, compel travellers who go from Berlin to B&acirc;le to pass via +Cologne and Frankfort, instead of taking the Leipzig route; or that such +a company carries goods a hundred and thirty miles in a roundabout way +(on a long distance) to favour its influential shareholders, and thus +ruins the secondary lines. In the United States travellers and goods are +sometimes compelled to travel impossibly circuitous routes so that +dollars may flow into the pocket of a Vanderbilt.</p> + +<p>Our answer will be the same: As long as Capital exists, the Greater +Capital will oppress the lesser. But oppression does not result from +Capital only. It is also owing to the support given them by the State, +to monopoly created by the State in their favour, that the large +companies oppress the small ones.</p> + +<p>The early English and French Socialists have shown long since how +English legislation did all in its power to ruin the small industries, +drive the peasant to poverty, and deliver over to wealthy industrial +employers battalions of men, compelled to work for no matter what +salary. Railway legislation did exactly the same. Strategic lines, +subsidized lines, companies which received the International Mail +monopoly, everything was brought into play to forward the interests of +wealthy financiers. When Rothschild, creditor to all European States, +puts capital in a railway, his faithful subjects, the ministers, will do +their best to make him earn more.</p> + +<p>In the United States, in the Democracy that authoritarians hold up to us +as an ideal, the most scandalous fraudulency has<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_125" id="Page_125"></a></span> crept into everything +that concerns railroads. Thus, if a company ruins its competitors by +cheap fares, it is often enabled to do so because it is reimbursed by +land given to it by the State for a gratuity. Documents recently +published concerning the American wheat trade have fully shown up the +part played by the State in the exploitation of the weak by the strong. +Here, too, the power of accumulated capital has increased tenfold and a +hundredfold by means of State help. So that, when we see syndicates of +railway companies (a product of free agreement) succeeding in protecting +their small companies against big ones, we are astonished at the +intrinsic force of free agreement that can hold its own against +all-powerful Capital favoured by the State.</p> + +<p>It is a fact that little companies exist, in spite of the State's +partiality. If in France, land of centralization, we only see five or +six large companies, there are more than a hundred and ten in Great +Britain who agree remarkably well, and who are certainly better +organized for the rapid transit of travellers and goods than the French +and German companies.</p> + +<p>Moreover, that is not the question. Large Capital, favoured by the +State, can always, <i>if it be to its advantage</i>, crush the lesser one. +What is of importance to us is this: The agreement between hundreds of +capitalist companies to whom the railways of Europe belong, <i>was +established without intervention of a central government</i> to lay down +the law to the divers societies; it has subsisted by means of congresses +composed of delegates, who discuss among themselves, and submit +<i>proposals</i>, not <i>laws</i>, to their constituents. It is a new principle +that differs completely from all governmental principle, monarchical or +republican, absolute or parliamentarian. It is an innovation that has +been timidly introduced into the customs of Europe, but has come to +stay.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>How often have we not read in the writings of State-loving Socialists: +"Who, then, will undertake the regulation of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_126" id="Page_126"></a></span> canal traffic in the +future society? Should it enter the mind of one of your Anarchist +'comrades' to put his barge across a canal and obstruct thousands of +boats, who will force him to reason?"</p> + +<p>Let us confess the supposition to be somewhat fanciful. Still, it might +be said, for instance: "Should a certain commune, or a group of +communes, want to make their barges pass before others, they might +perhaps block the canal in order to carry stones, while wheat, needed in +another commune, would have to stand by. Who, then, would regulate the +traffic if not the Government?"</p> + +<p>But real life has again demonstrated that Government can be very well +dispensed with here as elsewhere. Free agreement, free organization, +replace that noxious and costly system, and do better.</p> + +<p>We know what canals mean to Holland. They are its highways. We also +know how much traffic there is on the canals. What is carried along our +highroads and railroads is transported on canal-boats in Holland. There +you could find cause to fight, in order to make your boats pass before +others. There the Government might really interfere to keep the traffic +in order.</p> + +<p>Yet it is not so. The Dutch settled matters in a more practical way, +long ago, by founding guilds, or syndicates of boatmen. These were free +associations sprung from the very needs of navigation. The right of way +for the boats was adjusted by the order of inscription in a navigation +register; they had to follow one another in turn. Nobody was allowed to +get ahead of the others under pain of being excluded from the guild. +None could station more than a certain number of days along the quay; +and if the owner found no goods to carry during that time, so much the +worse for him; he had to depart with his empty barge to leave room for +newcomers. Obstruction was thus avoided, even though the competition +between the private owners of the boats continued to exist. Were the +latter suppressed, the agreement would have been only the more cordial.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_127" id="Page_127"></a></span></p><p>It is unnecessary to add that the shipowners could adhere or not to the +syndicate. That was their business, but most of them elected to join it. +Moreover, these syndicates offered such great advantages that they +spread also along the Rhine, the Weser, the Oder, and as far as Berlin. +The boatmen did not wait for a great Bismarck to annex Holland to +Germany, and to appoint an Ober Haupt General Staats Canal Navigation's +Rath (Supreme Head Councillor of the General States Canal Navigation), +with a number of gold stripes on his sleeves, corresponding to the +length of the title. They preferred coming to an international +understanding. Besides, a number of shipowners, whose sailing-vessels +ply between Germany and Scandinavia, as well as Russia, have also joined +these syndicates, in order to regulate traffic in the Baltic, and to +bring about a certain harmony in the <i>chass&eacute;-crois&eacute;</i> of vessels. These +associations have sprung up freely, recruiting volunteer adherents, and +have nought in common with governments.</p> + +<p>It is, however, more than probable that here too greater capital +oppresses lesser. Maybe the syndicate has also a tendency to become a +monopoly, especially where it receives the precious patronage of the +State that surely did not fail to interfere with it. Let us not forget +either, that these syndicates represent associations whose members have +only private interests at stake, and that if at the same time each +shipowner were compelled&mdash;by the socializing of production, consumption, +and exchange&mdash;to belong to federated Communes, or to a hundred other +associations for the satisfying of his needs, things would have a +different aspect. A group of shipowners, powerful on sea, would feel +weak on land, and they would be obliged to lessen their claims in order +to come to terms with railways, factories, and other groups.</p> + +<p>At any rate, without discussing the future, here is another spontaneous +association that has dispensed with Government. Let us quote more +examples.</p> + +<p>As we are talking of ships and boats, let us mention one of the most +splendid organizations that the nineteenth century<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_128" id="Page_128"></a></span> has brought forth, +one of those we may with right be proud of&mdash;the English Lifeboat +Association.</p> + +<p>It is known that every year more than a thousand ships are wrecked on +the shores of England. At sea a good ship seldom fears a storm. It is +near the coasts that danger threatens&mdash;rough seas that shatter her +stern-post, squalls that carry off her masts and sails, currents that +render her unmanageable, reefs and sand banks on which she runs aground.</p> + +<p>Even in olden times, when it was a custom among inhabitants of the +coasts to light fires in order to attract vessels on to reefs, in order +to plunder their cargoes, they always strove to save the crew. Seeing a +ship in distress, they launched their boats and went to the rescue of +shipwrecked sailors, only too often finding a watery grave themselves. +Every hamlet along the sea shore has its legends of heroism, displayed +by woman as well as by man, to save crews in distress.</p> + +<p>No doubt the State and men of science have done something to diminish +the number of casualties. Lighthouses, signals, charts, meteorological +warnings have diminished them greatly, but there remains a thousand +ships and several thousand human lives to be saved every year.</p> + +<p>To this end a few men of goodwill put their shoulders to the wheel. +Being good sailors and navigators themselves, they invented a lifeboat +that could weather a storm without being torn to pieces or capsizing, +and they set to work to interest the public in their venture, to collect +the necessary funds for constructing boats, and for stationing them +along the coasts, wherever they could be of use.</p> + +<p>These men, not being Jacobins, did not turn to the Government. They +understood that to bring their enterprise to a successful issue they +must have the co-operation, the enthusiasm, the local knowledge, and +especially the self-sacrifice of the local sailors. They also understood +that to find men who at the first signal would launch their boat at +night, in a chaos of waves, not suffering themselves to be deterred by +darkness or breakers, and struggling five, six, ten hours<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_129" id="Page_129"></a></span> against the +tide before reaching a vessel in distress&mdash;men ready to risk their lives +to save those of others&mdash;there must be a feeling of solidarity, a spirit +of sacrifice not to be bought with galloon. It was therefore a perfectly +spontaneous movement, sprung from agreement and individual initiative. +Hundreds of local groups arose along the coasts. The initiators had the +common senses not to pose as masters. They looked for sagacity in the +fishermen's hamlets, and when a rich man sent &pound;1,000 to a village on the +coast to erect a lifeboat station, and his offer was accepted, he left +the choice of a site to the local fishermen and sailors.</p> + +<p>Models of new boats were not submitted to the Admiralty. We read in a +Report of the Association: "As it is of importance that life-boatmen +should have full confidence in the vessel they man, the Committee will +make a point of constructing and equipping the boats according to the +life-boatmen's expressed wish." In consequence every year brings with it +new improvements.</p> + +<p>The work is wholly conducted by volunteers organizing in committees and +local groups; by mutual aid and agreement!&mdash;Oh, Anarchists! Moreover, +they ask nothing of the ratepayers, and in a year they may receive +&pound;40,000 in spontaneous subscriptions.</p> + +<p>As to the results, here they are: In 1891 the Association possessed 293 +lifeboats. The same year it saved 601 shipwrecked sailors and 33 +vessels. Since its foundation it has saved 32,671 human beings.</p> + +<p>In 1886, three lifeboats with all their men having perished at sea, +hundreds of new volunteers entered their names, organized themselves +into local groups, and the agitation resulted in the construction of +twenty additional boats. As we proceed, let us note that every year the +Association sends to the fishermen and sailors excellent barometers at a +price three times less than their sale price in private shops. It +propagates meteorological knowledge, and warns the parties concerned of +the sudden changes of weather predicted by men of science.</p> + +<p>Let us repeat that these hundreds of committees and local<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_130" id="Page_130"></a></span> groups are +not organized hierarchically, and are composed exclusively of +volunteers, lifeboatmen, and people interested in the work. The Central +Committee, which is more of a centre for correspondence, in no wise +interferes.</p> + +<p>It is true that when a voting on some question of education or local +taxation takes place in a district, these committees of the National +Lifeboat Association do not, as such, take part in the deliberations&mdash;a +modesty, which unfortunately the members of elected bodies do not +imitate. But, on the other hand, these brave men do not allow those who +have never faced a storm to legislate for them about saving life. At the +first signal of distress they rush to their boats, and go ahead. There +are no embroidered uniforms, but much goodwill.</p> + +<p>Let us take another society of the same kind, that of the Red Cross. The +name matters little; let us examine it.</p> + +<p>Imagine somebody saying fifty years ago: "The State, capable as it is of +massacring twenty thousand men in a day, and of wounding fifty thousand +more, is incapable of helping its own victims; consequently, as long as +war exists private initiative must intervene, and men of goodwill must +organize internationally for this humane work!" What mockery would not +have met the man who would have dared to speak thus! To begin with, he +would have been called a Utopian, and if that did not silence him he +would have been told: "What nonsense! Your volunteers will be found +wanting precisely where they are most needed, your volunteer hospitals +will be centralized in a safe place, while everything will be wanting in +the ambulances. Utopians like you forget the national rivalries which +will cause the poor soldiers to die without any help." Such +disheartening remarks would have only been equalled by the number of +speakers. Who of us has not heard men hold forth in this strain?</p> + +<p>Now we know what happened. Red Cross societies organized themselves +freely, everywhere, in all countries, in thousands of localities; and +when the war of 1870-1 broke out, the volunteers set to work. Men and +women offered their<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_131" id="Page_131"></a></span> services. Thousands of hospitals and ambulances +were organized; trains were started carrying ambulances, provisions, +linen, and medicaments for the wounded. The English committees sent +entire convoys of food, clothing, tools, grain to sow, beasts of +draught, even steam-ploughs with their attendants to help in the tillage +of departments devastated by the war! Only consult <i>La Croix Rouge</i>, by +Gustave Moynier, and you will be really struck by the immensity of the +work performed.</p> + +<p>As to the prophets ever ready to deny other men's courage, good sense, +and intelligence, and believing themselves to be the only ones capable +of ruling the world with a rod, none of their predictions were realized. +The devotion of the Red Cross volunteers was beyond all praise. They +were only too eager to occupy the most dangerous posts; and whereas the +salaried doctors of the Napoleonic State fled with their staff when the +Prussians approached, the Red Cross volunteers continued their work +under fire, enduring the brutalities of Bismarck's and Napoleon's +officers, lavishing their care on the wounded of all nationalities. +Dutch, Italians, Swedes, Belgians, even Japanese and Chinese agreed +remarkably well. They distributed their hospitals and their ambulances +according to the needs of the occasion. They vied with one another +especially in the hygiene of their hospitals. And there is many a +Frenchman who still speaks with deep gratitude of the tender care he +received from the Dutch or German volunteers in the Red Cross +ambulances. But what is this to an authoritarian? His ideal is the +regiment doctor, salaried by the State. What does he care for the Red +Cross and its hygienic hospitals, if the nurses be not functionaries!</p> + +<p>Here is then an organization, sprung up but yesterday, and which reckons +its members by hundreds of thousands; possesses ambulances, hospital +trains, elaborates new processes for treating wounds, and so on, and is +due to the spontaneous initiative of a few devoted men.</p> + +<p>Perhaps we shall be told that the State has something to do with this +organization. Yes, States have laid hands on it to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_132" id="Page_132"></a></span> seize it. The +directing committees are presided over by those whom flunkeys call +princes of the blood. Emperors and queens lavishly patronize the +national committees. But it is not to this patronage that the success of +the organization is due. It is to the thousand local committees of each +nation; to the activity of individuals, to the devotion of all those who +try to help the victims of war. And this devotion would be far greater +if the State did not meddle with it.</p> + +<p>In any case, it was not by the order of an International Directing +Committee that Englishmen and Japanese, Swedes and Chinamen, bestirred +themselves to send help to the wounded in 1871. It was not by order of +an international ministry that hospitals rose on the invaded territory +and that ambulances were carried on to the battlefield. It was by the +initiative of volunteers from each country. Once on the spot, they did +not get hold of one another by the hair as was foreseen by the +Jacobinists of all nations; they all set to work without distinction of +nationality.</p> + +<p>We may regret that such great efforts should be put to the service of so +bad a cause, and we may ask ourselves like the poet's child: "Why +inflict wounds if you are to heal them afterwards?" In striving to +destroy the power of capitalist and middle-class authority, we work to +put an end to the massacres called wars, and we would far rather see the +Red Cross volunteers put forth their activity to bring about (with us) +the suppression of war; but we had to mention this immense organization +as another illustration of results produced by free agreement and free +aid.</p> + +<p>If we wished to multiply examples taken from the art of exterminating +men we should never end. Suffice to quote the numerous societies to +which the German army owes its force, that does not only depend on +discipline, as is generally believed. I mean the societies whose aim is +to propagate military knowledge.</p> + +<p>At one of the last congresses of the Military Alliance (Kriegerbund), +delegates from 2,452 federated societies, comprising 151,712 members, +were present. But there are <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_133" id="Page_133"></a></span>besides very numerous Shooting, Military +Games, Strategical Games, Topographical Studies Societies&mdash;these are the +workshops in which the technical knowledge of the German army is +developed, not in regimental schools. It is a formidable network of all +kinds of societies, including military men and civilians, geographers +and gymnasts, sportsmen and technologists, which rise up spontaneously, +organize, federate, discuss, and explore the country. It is these +voluntary and free associations that go to make the real backbone of the +German army.</p> + +<p>Their aim is execrable. It is the maintenance of the Empire. But what +concerns us, is to point out that, in spite of military organization +being the "Great Mission of the State," success in this branch is the +more certain the more it is left to the free agreement of groups and to +the free initiative of individuals.</p> + +<p>Even in matters pertaining to war, free agreement is thus appealed to; +and to further prove our assertion let us mention the Volunteer +Topographers' Corps of Switzerland who study in detail the mountain +passages, the Aeroplane Corps of France, the three hundred thousand +British volunteers, the British National Artillery Association, and the +Society, now in course of organization, for the defence of England's +coasts, as well as the appeals made to the commercial fleet, the +Bicyclists' Corps, and the new organizations of private motorcars and +steam launches.</p> + +<p>Everywhere the State is abdicating and abandoning its holy functions to +private individuals. Everywhere free organization trespasses on its +domain. And yet, the facts we have quoted give us only a glimpse of what +free government has in store for us in the future when there will be no +more State.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_134" id="Page_134"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XII" id="CHAPTER_XII"></a>CHAPTER XII</h2> + +<h3>OBJECTIONS</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Let us now examine the principal objections put forth against Communism. +Most of them are evidently caused by a simple misunderstanding, yet they +raise important questions and merit our attention.</p> + +<p>It is not for us to answer the objections raised by authoritarian +Communism&mdash;we ourselves hold with them. Civilized nations have suffered +too much in the long, hard struggle for the emancipation of the +individual, to disown their past work and to tolerate a Government that +would make itself felt in the smallest details of a citizen's life, even +if that Government had no other aim than the good of the community. +Should an authoritarian Socialist society ever succeed in establishing +itself, it could not last; general discontent would soon force it to +break up, or to reorganize itself on principles of liberty.</p> + +<p>It is of an Anarchist-Communist society we are about to speak, a society +that recognizes the absolute liberty of the individual, that does not +admit of any authority, and makes use of no compulsion to drive men to +work. Limiting our studies to the economic side of the question, let us +see if such a society, composed of men as they are to-day, neither +better nor worse, neither more nor less industrious, would have a chance +of successful development.</p> + +<p>The objection is known. "If the existence of each is guaranteed, and if +the necessity of earning wages does not compel men to work, nobody will +work. Every man will lay the burden of his work on another if he is not +forced to do it<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_135" id="Page_135"></a></span> himself." Let us first note the incredible levity with +which this objection is raised, without even realizing that the real +question raised by this objection is merely to know, on the one hand, +whether you effectively obtain by wage-work, the results that are said +to be obtained, and, on the other hand, whether voluntary work is not +already now more productive than work stimulated by wages. A question +which, to be dealt with properly, would require a serious study. But +whereas in exact sciences men give their opinion on subjects infinitely +less important and less complicated after serious research, after +carefully collecting and analyzing facts&mdash;on this question they will +pronounce judgment without appeal, resting satisfied with any one +particular event, such as, for example, the want of success of some +communist association in America. They act like the barrister who does +not see in the counsel for the opposite side a representative of a +cause, or an opinion contrary to his own, but a simple nuisance,&mdash;an +adversary in an oratorical debate; and if he be lucky enough to find a +repartee, does not otherwise care to justify his cause. Therefore the +study of this essential basis of all Political Economy, <i>the study of +the most favourable conditions for giving society the greatest amount of +useful products with the least waste of human energy</i>, does not advance. +People either limit themselves to repeating commonplace assertions, or +else they pretend ignorance of our assertions.</p> + +<p>What is most striking in this levity is that even in capitalist +Political Economy you already find a few writers compelled by facts to +doubt the axiom put forth by the founders of their science, that the +threat of hunger is man's best stimulant for productive work. They begin +to perceive that in production a certain <i>collective element</i> is +introduced, which has been too much neglected up till now, and which +might be more important than personal gain. The inferior quality of +wage-work, the terrible waste of human energy in modern agricultural and +industrial labour, the ever-growing quantity of pleasure-seekers, who +shift their burden on to others' <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_136" id="Page_136"></a></span>shoulders, the absence of a certain +animation in production that is becoming more and more apparent; all +this is beginning to preoccupy the economists of the "classical" school. +Some of them ask themselves if they have not got on the wrong track: if +the imaginary evil being, that was supposed to be tempted exclusively by +a bait of lucre or wages, really exists. This heresy penetrates even +into universities; it is found in books of orthodox economy.</p> + +<p>But this does not prevent a great many Socialist reformers from +remaining partisans of individual remuneration, and defending the old +citadel of wagedom, notwithstanding that it is being delivered over +stone by stone to the assailants by its former defenders.</p> + +<p>They fear that without compulsion the masses will not work.</p> + +<p>But during our own lifetime, have we not heard the same fears expressed +twice? Once, by the anti-abolitionists in America before the +emancipation of the Negroes, and, for a second time, by the Russian +nobility before the liberation of the serfs? "Without the whip the Negro +will not work," said the anti-abolitionist. "Free from their master's +supervision the serfs will leave the fields uncultivated," said the +Russian serf-owners. It was the refrain of the French noblemen in 1789, +the refrain of the Middle Ages, a refrain as old as the world, and we +shall hear it every time there is a question of sweeping away an +injustice. And each time actual facts give it the lie. The liberated +peasant of 1792 ploughed with an eager energy, unknown to his ancestors; +the emancipated Negro works more than his fathers; and the Russian +peasant, after having honoured the honeymoon of his emancipation by +celebrating Fridays as well as Sundays, has taken up work with an +eagerness proportionate to the completeness of his liberation. There, +where the soil is his, he works desperately; that is the exact word for +it. The anti-abolitionist refrain can be of value to slave-owners; as to +the slaves themselves, they know what it is worth, as they know its +motive.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_137" id="Page_137"></a></span></p><p>Moreover, who but the economists themselves taught us that while a +wage-earner's work is very often indifferent, an intense and productive +work is only obtained from a man who sees his wealth increase in +proportion to his efforts? All hymns sung in honour of private property +can be reduced to this axiom.</p> + +<p>For it is remarkable that when economists, wishing to celebrate the +blessings of property, show us how an unproductive, marshy, or stony +soil is clothed with rich harvests when cultivated by the peasant +proprietor, they in nowise prove their thesis in favour of private +property. By admitting that the only guarantee not to be robbed of the +fruits of your labour is to possess the instruments of labour&mdash;which is +true&mdash;the economists only prove that man really produces most when he +works in freedom, when he has a certain choice in his occupations, when +he has no overseer to impede him, and lastly, when he sees his work +bringing in a profit to him and to others who work like him, but +bringing in little to idlers. Nothing else can be deducted from their +argumentation, and this is what we maintain ourselves.</p> + +<p>As to the form of possession of the instruments of labour, the +economists only mention it <i>indirectly</i> in their demonstration, as a +guarantee to the cultivator that he shall not be robbed of the profits +of his yield nor of his improvements. Besides, in support of their +thesis in favour of <i>private property</i> against all other forms of +<i>possession</i>, should not the economists demonstrate that under the form +of communal property land never produces such rich harvests as when the +possession is private? But this they could not prove; in fact, it is the +contrary that has been observed.</p> + +<p>Take for example a commune in the canton of Vaud, in the winter time, +when all the men of the village go to fell wood in the forest, which +belongs to them all. It is precisely during these festivals of labour +that the greatest ardour for work and the most considerable display of +human energy are apparent. No salaried labour, no effort of a private +owner can bear comparison with it.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_138" id="Page_138"></a></span></p><p>Or let us take a Russian village, when all its inhabitants mow a field +belonging to the commune, or farmed by it. There you will see what man +<i>can</i> produce when he works in common for communal production. Comrades +vie with one another in cutting the widest swathe, women bestir +themselves in their wake so as not to be distanced by the mowers. It is +a festival of labour, in which a hundred people accomplish in a few +hours a work that would not have been finished in a few days had they +worked separately. What a miserable contrast compared to them is offered +by the work of the isolated owner!</p> + +<p>In fact, we might quote scores of examples among the pioneers of +America, in Swiss, German, Russian, and in certain French villages; or +the work done in Russia by gangs (<i>artels)</i> of masons, carpenters, +boatmen, fishermen, etc., who undertake a task and divide the produce or +the remuneration among themselves without it passing through an +intermediary of middlemen; or else the amount of work I saw performed in +English ship-yards when the remuneration was paid on the same principle. +We could also mention the great communal hunts of nomadic tribes, and an +infinite number of successful collective enterprises. And in every case +we could show the unquestionable superiority of communal work compared +to that of the wage-earner or the isolated private owner.</p> + +<p>Well-being&mdash;that is to say, the satisfaction of physical, artistic, and +moral needs, has always been the most powerful stimulant to work. And +where a hireling hardly succeeds to produce the bare necessities with +difficulty, a free worker, who sees ease and luxury increasing for him +and for others in proportion to his efforts, spends infinitely far more +energy and intelligence, and obtains products in a far greater +abundance. The one feels riveted to misery, the other hopes for ease and +luxury in the future. In this lies the whole secret. Therefore a society +aiming at the well-being of all, and at the possibility of all enjoying +life in all its manifestations, will give voluntary work, which will be +<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_139" id="Page_139"></a></span>infinitely superior and yield far more than work has produced up till +now under the goad of slavery, serfdom, or wagedom.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>Nowadays, whoever can load on others his share of labour indispensable +to existence does so, and it is believed that it will always be so.</p> + +<p>Now, work indispensable to existence is essentially manual. We may be +artists or scientists; but none of us can do without things obtained by +manual work&mdash;bread, clothes, roads, ships, light, heat, etc. And, +moreover, however highly artistic or however subtly metaphysical are our +pleasures, they all depend on manual labour. And it is precisely this +labour&mdash;the basis of life&mdash;that everyone tries to avoid.</p> + +<p>We understand perfectly well that it must be so nowadays.</p> + +<p>Because, to do manual work now, means in reality to shut yourself up for +ten or twelve hours a day in an unhealthy workshop, and to remain +chained to the same task for twenty or thirty years, and maybe for your +whole life.</p> + +<p>It means to be doomed to a paltry wage, to the uncertainty of the +morrow, to want of work, often to destitution, more often than not to +death in a hospital, after having worked forty years to feed, clothe, +amuse, and instruct others than yourself and your children.</p> + +<p>It means to bear the stamp of inferiority all your life; because, +whatever the politicians tell us, the manual worker is always considered +inferior to the brain worker, and the one who has toiled ten hours in a +workshop has not the time, and still less the means, to give himself the +high delights of science and art, nor even to prepare himself to +appreciate them; he must be content with the crumbs from the table of +privileged persons.</p> + +<p>We understand that under these conditions manual labour is considered a +curse of fate.</p> + +<p>We understand that all men have but one dream&mdash;that of emerging from, or +enabling their children to emerge from this<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_140" id="Page_140"></a></span> inferior state; to create +for themselves an "independent" position, which means what?&mdash;To also +live by other men's work!</p> + +<p>As long as there will be a class of manual workers and a class of +"brain" workers, black hands and white hands, it will be thus.</p> + +<p>What interest, in fact, can this depressing work have for the worker, +when he knows that the fate awaiting him from the cradle to the grave +will be to live in mediocrity, poverty, and insecurity of the morrow? +Therefore, when we see the immense majority of men take up their +wretched task every morning, we feel surprised at their perseverance, at +their zeal for work, at the habit that enables them, like machines +blindly obeying an impetus given, to lead this life of misery without +hope for the morrow; without foreseeing ever so vaguely that some day +they, or at least their children, will be part of a humanity rich in all +the treasures of a bountiful nature, in all the enjoyments of knowledge, +scientific and artistic creation, reserved to-day to a few privileged +favourites.</p> + +<p>It is precisely to put an end to this separation between manual and +brain work that we want to abolish wagedom, that we want the Social +Revolution. Then work will no longer appear a curse of fate: it will +become what it should be&mdash;the free exercise of <i>all</i> the faculties of +man.</p> + +<p>Moreover, it is time to submit to a serious analysis this legend about +superior work, supposed to be obtained under the lash of wagedom.</p> + +<p>It would be sufficient to visit, not the model factory and workshop that +we find now and again, but a number of the ordinary factories, to +conceive the immense waste of human energy that characterizes modern +industry. For one factory more or less rationally organized, there are a +hundred or more which waste man's labour, without any more substantial +motive than that of perhaps bringing in a few pounds more per day to the +employer.</p> + +<p>Here you see youths from twenty to twenty-five years of age, sitting all +day long on a bench, their chests sunken in, feverishly shaking their +heads and bodies, to tie, with the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_141" id="Page_141"></a></span> speed of conjurers, the two ends of +worthless scraps of cotton, the refuse of the lace-looms. What progeny +will these trembling and rickety bodies bequeath to their country? "But +they occupy so little room in the factory, and each of them brings me in +sixpence net every day," will say the employer.</p> + +<p>In an immense London factory we saw girls, bald at seventeen from +carrying trays of matches on their heads from one room to another, when +the simplest machine could wheel the matches to their tables. But "It +costs so little, the work of women who have no special trade! Why should +we use a machine? When these can do no more, they will be easily +replaced, there are so many of them in the street!"</p> + +<p>On the steps of a mansion on an icy night you will find a bare-footed +child asleep, with its bundle of papers in its arms ... child-labour +costs so little that it may be well employed, every evening, to sell +tenpenny-worth of papers, of which the poor boy will receive a penny, or +a penny halfpenny. And continually in all big cities you may see robust +men tramping about who have been out of work for months, while their +daughters grow pale in the overheated vapours of the workshops for +dressing stuffs, and their sons are filling blacking-pots by hand, or +spend those years during which they ought to have learned a trade, in +carrying about baskets for a greengrocer, and at the age of eighteen or +twenty become regular unemployed.</p> + +<p>And so it is everywhere, from San Francisco to Moscow, and from Naples +to Stockholm. The waste of human energy is the distinguishing and +predominant trait of our industry, not to mention trade where it attains +still more colossal proportions.</p> + +<p>What a sad satire is that name, Political <i>Economy</i>, given to the +science of waste and energy under the system of wagedom!</p> + +<p>This is not all. If you speak to the director of a well-organized +factory, he will naively explain to you that it is difficult nowadays to +find a skilful, vigorous, and energetic workman, who works with a will. +"Should such a man <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_142" id="Page_142"></a></span>present himself among the twenty or thirty who call +every Monday asking us for work, he is sure to be received, even if we +are reducing the number of our hands. We recognize him at the first +glance, and he is always accepted, even though we have to get rid of an +older and less active worker the next day." And the one who has just +received notice to quit, and all those who will receive it to-morrow, go +to reinforce that immense reserve-army of capital&mdash;workmen out of +work&mdash;who are only called to the loom or the bench when there is +pressure of work, or to oppose strikers. And those others&mdash;the average +workers who are sent away by the better-class factories as soon as +business is slackened? They also join the formidable army of aged and +indifferent workers who continually circulate among the second-class +factories&mdash;those which barely cover their expenses and make their way in +the world by trickery and snares laid for the buyer, and especially for +the consumer in distant countries.</p> + +<p>And if you talk to the workmen themselves, you will soon learn that the +rule in such factories is&mdash;never to do your best. "Shoddy pay&mdash;shoddy +work!" this is the advice which the working man receives from his +comrades upon entering such a factory.</p> + +<p>For the workers know that if in a moment of generosity they give way to +the entreaties of an employer and consent to intensify the work in order +to carry out a pressing order, this nervous work will be exacted in the +future as a rule in the scale of wages. Therefore in all such factories +they prefer never to produce as much as they can. In certain industries +production is limited so as to keep up high prices, and sometimes the +pass-word, "Go-canny," is given, which signifies, "Bad work for bad +pay!"</p> + +<p>Wage-work is serf-work; it cannot, it must not, produce all that it +could produce. And it is high time to disbelieve the legend which +represents wagedom as the best incentive to productive work. If industry +nowadays brings in a hundred times more than it did in the days of our +grandfathers, it is due to the sudden awakening of physical and chemical +sciences<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_143" id="Page_143"></a></span> towards the end of last century; not to the capitalist +organization of wagedom, but <i>in spite</i> of that organization.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>Those who have seriously studied the question do not deny any of the +advantages of Communism, on condition, be it well understood, that +Communism be perfectly free, that is to say, Anarchist. They recognize +that work paid with money, even disguised under the name of "labour +cheques," to Workers' associations governed by the State, would keep up +the characteristics of wagedom and would retain its disadvantages. They +agree that the whole system would soon suffer from it, even if Society +came into possession of the instruments of production. And they admit +that, thanks to an "integral" complete education given to all children, +to the laborious habits of civilized societies, with the liberty of +choosing and varying their occupations and the attractions of work done +by equals for the well-being of all, a Communist society would not be +wanting in producers who would soon make the fertility of the soil +triple and tenfold, and give a new impulse to industry.</p> + +<p>This our opponents agree to. "But the danger," they say, "will come from +that minority of loafers who will not work, and will not have regular +habits, in spite of the excellent conditions that would make work +pleasant. To-day the prospect of hunger compels the most refractory to +move along with the others. The one who does not arrive in time is +dismissed. But one black sheep suffices to contaminate the whole flock, +and two or three sluggish or refractory workmen would lead the others +astray and bring a spirit of disorder and rebellion into the workshop +that would make work impossible; so that in the end we should have to +return to a system of compulsion that would force such ringleaders back +into the ranks. And then,&mdash;Is not the system of wages, paid in +proportion to work performed, the only one that enables compulsion to be +employed, without hurting the feelings of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_144" id="Page_144"></a></span>independence of the worker? +All other means would imply the continual intervention of an authority +that would be repugnant to free men." This, we believe, is the objection +fairly stated.</p> + +<p>To begin with, such an objection belongs to the category of arguments +which try to justify the State, the Penal Law, the Judge, and the +Gaoler.</p> + +<p>"As there are people, a feeble minority, who will not submit to social +customs," the authoritarians say, "we must maintain magistrates, +tribunals and prisons, although these institutions become a source of +new evils of all kinds."</p> + +<p>Therefore we can only repeat what we have so often said concerning +authority in general: "To avoid a possible evil you have recourse to +means which in themselves are a greater evil, and become the source of +those same abuses that you wish to remedy. For, do not forget that it is +wagedom, the impossibility of living otherwise than by selling your +labour, which has created the present Capitalist system, whose vices you +begin to recognize." Besides, this way of reasoning is merely a +sophistical justification of the evils of the present system. Wagedom +was <i>not</i> instituted to remove the disadvantages of Communism; its +origin, like that of the State and private ownership, is to be found +elsewhere. It is born of slavery and serfdom imposed by force, and only +wears a more modern garb. Thus the argument in favour of wagedom is as +valueless as those by which they seek to apologize for private property +and the State.</p> + +<p>We are, nevertheless, going to examine the objection, and see if there +is any truth in it.</p> + +<p>First of all,&mdash;Is it not evident that if a society, founded on the +principle of free work, were really menaced by loafers, it could protect +itself without the authoritarian organization we have nowadays, and +without having recourse to wagedom?</p> + +<p>Let us take a group of volunteers, combining for some particular +enterprise. Having its success at heart, they all work with a will, save +one of the associates, who is frequently absent from his post. Must they +on his account dissolve the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_145" id="Page_145"></a></span> group, elect a president to impose fines, +and work out a code of penalties? It is evident that neither the one nor +the other will be done, but that some day the comrade who imperils their +enterprise will be told: "Friend, we should like to work with you; but +as you are often absent from your post, and you do your work +negligently, we must part. Go and find other comrades who will put up +with your indifference!"</p> + +<p>This way is so natural that it is practiced everywhere, even nowadays, +in all industries, in competition with all possible systems of fines, +docking of wages, supervision, etc.; a workman may enter the factory at +the appointed time, but if he does his work badly, if he hinders his +comrades by his laziness or other defects, if he is quarrelsome, there +is an end of it; he is compelled to leave the workshop.</p> + +<p>Authoritarians pretend that it is the almighty employer and his +overseers who maintain regularity and quality of work in factories. In +reality, in every somewhat complicated enterprise, in which the goods +produced pass through many hands before being finished, it is the +factory itself, the workmen as a unity, who see to the good quality of +the work. Therefore the best factories of British private industry have +few overseers, far less on an average than the French factories, and +less than the British State factories.</p> + +<p>A certain standard of public morals is maintained in the same way. +Authoritarians say it is due to rural guards, judges, and policemen, +whereas in reality it is maintained <i>in spite</i> of judges, policemen, and +rural guards. "Many are the laws producing criminals!" was said long +ago.</p> + +<p>Not only in industrial workshops do things go on in this way; it happens +everywhere, every day, on a scale that only bookworms have as yet no +notion of. When a railway company, federated with other companies, fails +to fulfil its engagements, when its trains are late and goods lie +neglected at the stations, the other companies threaten to cancel the +contract, and that threat usually suffices.</p> + +<p>It is generally believed, at any rate it is taught in State-approved +schools, that commerce only keeps to its engagements<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_146" id="Page_146"></a></span> from fear of +lawsuits. Nothing of the sort; nine times in ten the trader who has not +kept his word will not appear before a judge. There, where trade is very +active, as in London, the sole fact of having driven a creditor to bring +a lawsuit suffices for the immense majority of merchants to refuse for +good to have any dealings with a man who has compelled one of them to go +to law.</p> + +<p>This being so, why should means that are used to-day among workers in +the workshop, traders in the trade, and railway companies in the +organization of transport, not be made use of in a society based on +voluntary work?</p> + +<p>Take, for example, an association stipulating that each of its members +should carry out the following contract: "We undertake to give you the +use of our houses, stores, streets, means of transport, schools, +museums, etc., on condition that, from twenty to forty-five or fifty +years of age, you consecrate four or five hours a day to some work +recognized as necessary to existence. Choose yourself the producing +groups which you wish to join, or organize a new group, provided that it +will undertake to produce necessaries. And as for the remainder of your +time, combine together with whomsoever you like, for recreation, art, or +science, according to the bent of your taste.</p> + +<p>"Twelve or fifteen hundred hours of work a year, in one of the groups +producing food, clothes, or houses, or employed in public sanitation, +transport, and so on, is all we ask of you. For this amount of work we +guarantee to you the free use of all that these groups produce, or will +produce. But if not one, of the thousands of groups of our federation, +will receive you, whatever be their motive; if you are absolutely +incapable of producing anything useful, or if you refuse to do it, then +live like an isolated man or like an invalid. If we are rich enough to +give you the necessaries of life we shall be delighted to give them to +you. You are a man, and you have the right to live. But as you wish to +live under special conditions, and leave the ranks, it is more than +probable that you will suffer for it in your daily relations with other +citizens. You will<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_147" id="Page_147"></a></span> be looked upon as a ghost of bourgeois society, +unless some friends of yours, discovering you to be a talent, kindly +free you from all moral obligation towards society by doing all the +necessary work for you.</p> + +<p>"And finally, if it does not please you, go and look for other +conditions elsewhere in the wide world, or else seek adherents and +organize with them on novel principles. We prefer our own."</p> + +<p>This is what could be done in a communal society in order to turn away +sluggards if they became too numerous.</p> + +<h3>IV</h3> + +<p>We very much doubt that we need fear this contingency in a society +really based on the entire freedom of the individual.</p> + +<p>In fact, in spite of the premium on idleness offered by the private +ownership of capital, the really lazy man is comparatively rare, unless +his laziness be due to illness.</p> + +<p>Among workmen it is often said that the bourgeois are idlers. There are +certainly enough of them, but they, too, are the exception. On the +contrary, in every industrial enterprise, you are sure to find one or +more bourgeois who work very hard. It is true that the majority of +bourgeois profit by their privileged position to award themselves the +least unpleasant tasks, and that they work under hygienic conditions of +air, food, etc., which permits them to do their business without too +much fatigue. But these are precisely the conditions which we claim for +all workers, without exception.</p> + +<p>It must also be said that if, thanks to their privileged position, rich +people often perform absolutely useless or even harmful work in society, +nevertheless the Ministers, Heads of Departments, factory owners, +traders, bankers, etc., subject themselves for a number of hours every +day to work which they find more or less tiresome, all preferring their +hours of leisure to this obligatory work. And if in nine cases out of +ten this work is a harmful work, they find it none the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_148" id="Page_148"></a></span> less tiring for +that. But it is precisely because the middle class put forth a great +energy, even in doing harm (knowingly or not) and defending their +privileged position, that they have succeeded in defeating the landed +nobility, and that they continue to rule the masses. If they were +idlers, they would long since have ceased to exist, and would have +disappeared like the aristocracy. In a society that would expect only +four or five hours a day of useful, pleasant, and hygienic work, these +same middle-class people would perform their task perfectly well, and +they certainly would not put up with the horrible conditions in which +men toil nowadays without reforming them. If a Huxley spent only five +hours in the sewers of London, rest assured that he would have found the +means of making them as sanitary as his physiological laboratory.</p> + +<p>As to the laziness of the great majority of workers, only philistine +economists and philanthropists can utter such nonsense.</p> + +<p>If you ask an intelligent manufacturer, he will tell you that if workmen +only put it into their heads to be lazy, all factories would have to be +closed, for no measure of severity, no system of spying would be of any +use. You should have seen the terror caused in 1887 among British +employers when a few agitators started preaching the "<i>go-canny</i>" +theory&mdash;"Bad pay, bad work"; "Take it easy, do not overwork yourselves, +and waste all you can."&mdash;"They demoralize the worker, they want to kill +our industry!" cried those same people who the day before inveighed +against the immorality of the worker and the bad quality of his work. +But if the workers were what they are represented to be&mdash;namely, the +idler whom the employer is supposed continually to threaten with +dismissal from the workshop&mdash;what would the word "demoralization" +signify?</p> + +<p>So when we speak of possible idlers, we must well understand that it is +a question of a small minority in society; and before legislating for +that minority, would it not be wise to study the origin of that +idleness? Whoever observes with an<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_149" id="Page_149"></a></span> intelligent eye, sees well enough +that the child reputed lazy at school is often the one which simply does +not understand, because he is being badly taught. Very often, too, it is +suffering from cerebral an&aelig;mia, caused by poverty and an anti-hygienic +education. A boy who is lazy at Greek or Latin would work admirably were +he taught science, especially if he were taught with the aid of manual +labour. A girl who is stupid at mathematics becomes the first +mathematician of her class if she by chance meets somebody who can +explain to her the elements of arithmetic which she did not understand. +And a workman, lazy in the workshop, cultivates his garden at dawn, +while gazing at the rising sun, and will be at work again at nightfall, +when all nature goes to its rest.</p> + +<p>Somebody has said that dust is matter in the wrong place. The same +definition applies to nine-tenths of those called lazy. They are people +gone astray in a direction that does not answer to their temperament nor +to their capacities. In reading the biography of great men, we are +struck with the number of "idlers" among them. They were lazy so long as +they had not found the right path; afterwards they became laborious to +excess. Darwin, Stephenson, and many others belonged to this category of +idlers.</p> + +<p>Very often the idler is but a man to whom it is repugnant to spend all +his life making the eighteenth part of a pin, or the hundredth part of a +watch, while he feels he has exuberant energy which he would like to +expend elsewhere. Often, too, he is a rebel who cannot submit to being +fixed all his life to a work-bench in order to procure a thousand +pleasures for his employer, while knowing himself to be far the less +stupid of the two, and knowing his only fault to be that of having been +born in a hovel instead of coming into the world in a castle.</p> + +<p>Lastly, an immense number of "idlers" are idlers because they do not +know well enough the trade by which they are compelled to earn their +living. Seeing the imperfect thing they make with their own hands, +striving vainly to do better, and perceiving that they never will +succeed on account of the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_150" id="Page_150"></a></span> bad habits of work already acquired, they +begin to hate their trade, and, not knowing any other, hate work in +general. Thousands of workmen and artists who are failures suffer from +this cause.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, he who since his youth has learned to play the piano +<i>well</i>, to handle the plane <i>well</i>, the chisel, the brush, or the file, +so that he feels that what he does is <i>beautiful</i>, will never give up +the piano, the chisel, or the file. He will find pleasure in his work +which does not tire him, so long as he is not overdriven.</p> + +<p>Under the one name, <i>idleness</i>, a series of results due to different +causes have been grouped, of which each one could be a source of good, +instead of being a source of evil to society. Like all questions +concerning criminality and related to human faculties, facts have been +collected having nothing in common with one another. People speak of +laziness or crime, without giving themselves the trouble to analyze the +cause. They are in a hurry to punish these faults without inquiring if +the punishment itself does not contain a premium on "laziness" or +"crime."<a name="FNanchor_9_9" id="FNanchor_9_9"></a><a href="#Footnote_9_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a></p> + +<p>This is why a free society, if it saw the number of idlers increasing in +its midst, would no doubt think of looking first for the <i>cause</i> of +laziness, in order to suppress it, before having recourse to punishment. +When it is a case, as we have already mentioned, of simple +bloodlessness, then before stuffing the brain of a child with science, +nourish his system so as to produce blood, strengthen him, and, that he +shall not waste his time, take him to the country or to the seaside; +there, teach him in the open air, not in books&mdash;geometry, by measuring +the distance to a spire, or the height of a tree; natural sciences, +while picking flowers and fishing in the sea; physical science, while +building the boat he will go to fish in. But for mercy's sake do not +fill his brain with classical sentences and dead languages. Do not make +an idler of him!...</p> + +<p>Or, here is a child which has neither order nor regular habits. Let the +children first inculcate order among <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_151" id="Page_151"></a></span>themselves, and later on, the +laboratory, the workshop, the work that will have to be done in a +limited space, with many tools about, under the guidance of an +intelligent teacher, will teach them method. But do not make disorderly +beings out of them by your school, whose only order is the symmetry of +its benches, and which&mdash;true image of the chaos in its teachings&mdash;will +never inspire anybody with the love of harmony, of consistency, and +method in work.</p> + +<p>Do not you see that by your methods of teaching, framed by a Ministry +for eight million scholars, who represent eight million different +capacities, you only impose a system good for mediocrities, conceived by +an average of mediocrities? Your school becomes a University of +laziness, as your prison is a University of crime. Make the school free, +abolish your University grades, appeal to the volunteers of teaching; +begin that way, instead of making laws against laziness which only serve +to increase it.</p> + +<p>Give the workman who cannot condemn himself to make all his life a +minute particle of some object, who is stifled at his little tapping +machine, which he ends by loathing, give him the chance of tilling the +soil, of felling trees in the forest, sailing the seas in the teeth of a +storm, dashing through space on an engine, but do not make an idler of +him by forcing him all his life to attend to a small machine, to plough +the head of a screw, or to drill the eye of a needle.</p> + +<p>Suppress the cause of idleness, and you may take it for granted that few +individuals will really hate work, especially voluntary work, and that +there will be no need to manufacture a code of laws on their account.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_9_9" id="Footnote_9_9"></a><a href="#FNanchor_9_9"><span class="label">[9]</span></a> <i>Kropotkin: In Russian and French Prisons.</i> London, 1887.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_152" id="Page_152"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIII" id="CHAPTER_XIII"></a>CHAPTER XIII</h2> + +<h3>THE COLLECTIVIST WAGES SYSTEM</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>In their plans for the reconstruction of society the collectivists +commit, in our opinion, a twofold error. While speaking of abolishing +capitalist rule, they intend nevertheless to retain two institutions +which are the very basis of this rule&mdash;Representative Government and the +Wages' System.</p> + +<p>As regards so-called representative government, we have often spoken +about it. It is absolutely incomprehensible to us that intelligent +men&mdash;and such are not wanting in the collectivist party&mdash;can remain +partisans of national or municipal parliaments after all the lessons +history has given them&mdash;in France, in England, in Germany, or in the +United States.</p> + +<p>While we see parliamentary rule breaking up, and from all sides +criticism of this rule growing louder&mdash;not only of its results, but also +of <i>its principles</i>&mdash;how is it that the revolutionary socialists defend +a system already condemned to die?</p> + +<p>Built up by the middle classes to hold their own against royalty, +sanctioning, and, at the same time strengthening, their sway over the +workers, parliamentary rule is pre-eminently a middle-class rule. The +upholders of this system have never seriously maintained that a +parliament or a municipal council represent a nation or a city. The most +intelligent among them know that this is impossible. The middle classes +have simply used the parliamentary system to raise a protecting barrier +against the pretensions of royalty, without giving the people liberty. +But gradually, as the people become conscious of their real interests, +and the variety of their interests is growing, the system can no longer +work. Therefore <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_153" id="Page_153"></a></span>democrats of all countries vainly imagine various +palliatives. The <i>Referendum</i> is tried and found to be a failure; +proportional representation is spoken of, the representation of +minorities, and other parliamentary Utopias. In a word, they strive to +find what is not to be found, and after each new experiment they are +bound to recognize that it was a failure; so that confidence in +Representative Government vanishes more and more.</p> + +<p>It is the same with the Wages' system; because, once the abolition of +private property is proclaimed, and the possession in common of all +means of production is introduced,&mdash;how can the wages' system be +maintained in any form? This is, nevertheless, what collectivists are +doing when they recommend the use of the <i>labour-cheques</i> as a mode of +remuneration for labour accomplished for the great Collectivist +employer&mdash;the State.</p> + +<p>It is easy to understand why the early English socialists, since the +time of Robert Owen, came to the system of labour-cheques. They simply +tried to make Capital and Labour agree. They repudiated the idea of +laying hands on capitalist property by means of revolutionary measures.</p> + +<p>It is also easy to understand why Proudhon took up later on the same +idea. In his Mutualist system he tried to make Capital less offensive, +notwithstanding the retaining of private property, which he detested +from the bottom of his heart, but which he believed to be necessary to +guarantee individuals against the State.</p> + +<p>Neither is it astonishing that certain economists, more or less +bourgeois, admit labour-cheques. They care little whether the worker is +paid in labour-notes or in coin stamped with the effigy of the Republic +or the Empire. They only care to save from destruction the individual +ownership of dwelling-houses, of land, of factories; in any case&mdash;that, +at least, of dwelling-houses and the capital that is necessary for +manufacturing. And labour-notes would just answer the purpose of +upholding this private property.</p> + +<p>As long as labour-notes can be exchanged for jewels or<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_154" id="Page_154"></a></span> carriages, the +owner of the house will willingly accept them for rent. And as long as +dwelling houses, fields, and factories belong to isolated owners, men +will have to pay these owners, in one way or another, for being allowed +to work in the fields or factories, or for living in the houses. The +owners will agree to be paid by the workers in gold, in paper-money, or +in cheques exchangeable for all sorts of commodities, once that toll +upon labour is maintained, and the right to levy it is left with them. +But how can we defend labour-notes, this new form of wagedom, when we +admit that the houses, the fields, and the factories will no longer be +private property,&mdash;that they will belong to the commune or the nation?</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>Let us closely examine this system of remuneration for work done, +preached by the French, German, English, and Italian collectivists (the +Spanish anarchists, who still call themselves collectivists, imply by +Collectivism the possession in common of all instruments of production, +and the "liberty of each group to divide the produce, as they think fit, +according to communist or any other principles").</p> + +<p>It amounts to this: Everybody works in field, factory, school, hospital, +etc. The working-day is fixed by the State, which owns the land, the +factories, the roads, etc. Every work-day is paid for with a +<i>labour-note</i>, which is inscribed with these words: <i>Eight hours' work</i>. +With this cheque the worker can procure all sorts of merchandise in the +stores owned by the State or by divers corporations. The cheque is +divisible, so that you can buy an hour's-work worth of meat, ten +minutes' worth of matches, or half an hour of tobacco. After the +Collectivist Revolution, instead of saying "twopence worth of soap," we +shall say "five minutes' worth of soap."</p> + +<p>Most collectivists, true to the distinction laid down by middle-class +economists (and by Marx as well) between <i>qualified</i> work and <i>simple</i> +work, tell us, moreover, that <i>qualified</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_155" id="Page_155"></a></span> or professional work must be +paid a certain quantity more than <i>simple</i> work. Thus one hour's work of +a doctor will have to be considered as equivalent to two or three hours' +work of a hospital nurse, or to three or five hours' work of a navvy. +"Professional, or qualified work, will be a multiple of simple work," +says the collectivist Gr&ouml;nlund, "because this kind of work needs a more +or less long apprenticeship."</p> + +<p>Some other collectivists, such as the French Marxist, Guesde, do not +make this distinction. They proclaim the "Equality of Wages." The +doctor, the schoolmaster, and the professor will be paid (in +labour-cheques) at the same rate as the navvy. Eight hours visiting the +sick in a hospital will be worth the same as eight hours spent in +earthworks or else in mines or factories.</p> + +<p>Some make a greater concession; they admit that disagreeable or +unhealthy work&mdash;such as sewerage&mdash;could be paid for at a higher rate +than agreeable work. One hour's work of a sewerman would be worth, they +say, two hours of a professor's work.</p> + +<p>Let us add that certain collectivists admit of corporations being paid a +lump sum for work done. Thus a corporation would say: "Here are a +hundred tons of steel. A hundred workmen were required to produce them, +and it took them ten days. Their work-day being an eight-hours day, it +has taken them eight thousand working hours to produce a hundred tons of +steel&mdash;eight hours a ton." For this the State would pay them eight +thousand labour-notes of one hour each, and these eight thousand cheques +would be divided among the members of the iron-works as they themselves +thought proper.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, a hundred miners having taken twenty days to extract +eight thousand tons of coal, coal would be worth two hours a ton, and +the sixteen thousand cheques of one hour each, received by the Guild of +Miners, would be divided among their members according to their own +appreciation.</p> + +<p>If the miners protested and said that a ton of steel should<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_156" id="Page_156"></a></span> only cost +six hours' work instead of eight; if the professor wished to have his +day paid four times more than the nurse, then the State would interfere +and would settle their differences.</p> + +<p>Such is, in a few words, the organization the collectivists wish to see +arise out of the Social Revolution. As we see, their principles are: +Collective property of the instruments of production, and remuneration +to each according to the time spent in producing, while taking into +account the productivity of his labour. As to the political system, it +would be the Parliamentary system, modified by <i>positive instructions</i> +given to those elected, and by the <i>Referendum</i>&mdash;a vote, taken by <i>noes</i> +or <i>ayes</i> by the nation.</p> + +<p>Let us own that this system appears to us simply unrealizable.</p> + +<p>Collectivists begin by proclaiming a revolutionary principle&mdash;the +abolition of private property&mdash;and then they deny it, no sooner than +proclaimed, by upholding an organization of production and consumption +which originated in private property.</p> + +<p>They proclaim a revolutionary principle, and ignore the consequences +that this principle will inevitably bring about. They forget that the +very fact of abolishing individual property in the instruments of +work&mdash;land, factories, road, capital&mdash;must launch society into +absolutely new channels; must completely overthrow the present system of +production, both in its aim as well as in its means; must modify daily +relations between individuals, as soon as land, machinery, and all other +instruments of production are considered common property.</p> + +<p>They say, "No private property," and immediately after strive to +maintain private property in its daily manifestations. "You shall be a +Commune as far as regards production: fields, tools, machinery, all that +has been invented up till now&mdash;factories, railways, harbours, mines, +etc., all are yours. Not the slightest distinction will be made +concerning the share of each in this collective property.</p> + +<p>"But from to-morrow you will minutely debate the share<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_157" id="Page_157"></a></span> you are going to +take in the creation of new machinery, in the digging of new mines. You +will carefully weigh what part of the new produce belongs to you. You +will count your minutes of work, and you will take care that a minute of +your neighbours should not buy more than yours.</p> + +<p>"And as an hour measures nothing, as in some factories a worker can see +to six power-looms at a time, while in another he only tends two, you +will weigh the muscular force, the brain energy, and the nervous energy +you have expended. You will accurately calculate the years of +apprenticeship in order to appraise the amount each will contribute to +future production. And this&mdash;after having declared that you do not take +into account his share in <i>past</i> production."</p> + +<p>Well, for us it is evident that a society cannot be based on two +absolutely opposed principles, two principles that contradict one +another continually. And a nation or a commune which would have such an +organization would be compelled to revert to private property in the +instruments of production, or to transform itself into a communist +society.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>We have said that certain collectivist writers desire that a distinction +should be made between <i>qualified</i> or professional work and <i>simple</i> +work. They pretend that an hour's work of an engineer, an architect, or +a doctor, must be considered as two or three hours' work of a +blacksmith, a mason, or a hospital nurse. And the same distinction must +be made between all sorts of trades necessitating apprenticeship, and +the simple toil of day labourers.</p> + +<p>Well, to establish this distinction would be to maintain all the +inequalities of present society. It would mean fixing a dividing line, +from the beginning, between the workers and those who pretend to govern +them. It would mean dividing society into two very distinct classes&mdash;the +aristocracy of knowledge placed above the horny-handed lower orders&mdash;the +one doomed to serve the other; the one working with its<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_158" id="Page_158"></a></span> hands to feed +and clothe those who, profiting by their leisure, study how to govern +their fosterers.</p> + +<p>It would mean reviving one of the distinct peculiarities of present +society and giving it the sanction of the Social Revolution. It would +mean setting up as a principle an abuse already condemned in our ancient +crumbling society.</p> + +<p>We know the answer we shall get. They will speak of "Scientific +Socialism"; they will quote bourgeois economists, and Marx too, to prove +that a scale of wages has its <i>raison d'&ecirc;tre</i>, as "the labour force" of +the engineer will have cost more to society than the "labour-force" of +the navvy. In fact&mdash;have not economists tried to prove to us that if an +engineer is paid twenty times more than a navvy it is <i>because</i> the +"necessary" outlay to make an engineer is greater than that necessary to +make a navvy? And has not Marx asserted that the same distinction is +equally logical between two branches of manual labour? He could not +conclude otherwise, having taken up on his own account Ricardo's theory +of value, and upheld that goods <i>are</i> exchanged in proportion to the +quantity of work socially necessary for their production.</p> + +<p>But we know what to think of this. We know that if engineers, +scientists, or doctors are paid ten or a hundred times more than a +labourer, and if a weaver earns three times more than an agricultural +labourer, and ten times more than a girl in a match factory, it is not +by reason of their "cost of production," but by reason of a monopoly of +education, or a monopoly of industry. Engineers, scientists, and doctors +merely exploit their capital&mdash;their diplomas&mdash;as middle-class employers +exploit a factory, or as nobles used to exploit their titles of +nobility.</p> + +<p>As to the employer who pays an engineer twenty times more than a +labourer, it is simply due to personal interest; if the engineer can +economize &pound;4,000 a year on the cost of production, the employer pays him +&pound;800. And if the employer has a foreman who saves &pound;400 on the work by +cleverly sweating workmen, he gladly gives him &pound;80 or &pound;120 a year. He<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_159" id="Page_159"></a></span> +parts with an extra &pound;40 when he expects to gain &pound;400 by it; and this is +the essence of the Capitalist system. The same differences obtain among +different manual trades.</p> + +<p>Let them, therefore, not talk to us of "the cost of production" which +raises the cost of skilled labour, and tell us that a student who has +gaily spent his youth in a university has a <i>right</i> to a wage ten times +greater than the son of a miner who has grown pale in a mine since the +age of eleven; or that a weaver has a <i>right</i> to a wage three or four +times greater than that of an agricultural labourer. The cost of +teaching a weaver his work is not four times greater than the cost of +teaching a peasant his. The weaver simply benefits by the advantages his +industry reaps in international trade, from countries that have as yet +no industries, and in consequence of the privileges accorded by all +States to industries in preference to the tilling of the soil.</p> + +<p>Nobody has ever calculated the <i>cost of production</i> of a producer; and +if a noble loafer costs far more to society than a worker, it remains to +be seen whether a robust day-labourer does not cost more to society than +a skilled artisan, when we have taken into account infant-mortality +among the poor, the ravages of an&aelig;mia, and premature deaths.</p> + +<p>Could they, for example, make us believe that the 1s. 3d. paid to a +Paris workwoman, the 3d. paid to an Auvergne peasant girl who grows +blind at lace-making, or the 1s. 8d. paid to the peasant represent their +"cost of production." We know full well that people work for less, but +we also know that they do so exclusively because, thanks to our +wonderful organization, they would die of hunger did they not accept +these mock wages.</p> + +<p>For us the scale of remuneration is a complex result of taxes, of +governmental tutelage, of Capitalist monopoly. In a word, of State and +Capital. Therefore, we say that all wages' theories have been invented +after the event to justify injustices at present existing, and that we +need not take them into consideration.</p> + +<p>Neither will they fail to tell us that the Collectivist scale of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_160" id="Page_160"></a></span> wages +would be an improvement. "It would be better," so they say, "to see +certain artisans receiving a wage two or three times higher than common +labourers, than to see a minister receiving in a day what a workman +cannot earn in a year. It would be a great step towards equality."</p> + +<p>For us this step would be the reverse of progress. To make a distinction +between simple and professional work in a new society would result in +the Revolution sanctioning and recognizing as a principle a brutal fact +we submit to nowadays, but that we nevertheless find unjust. It would +mean imitating those gentlemen of the French Assembly who proclaimed on +August 4th, 1789, the abolition of feudal rights, but who on August 8th +sanctioned these same rights by imposing dues on the peasants to +compensate the noblemen, placing these dues under the protection of the +Revolution. It would mean imitating the Russian Government, which +proclaimed, at the time of the emancipation of the serfs, that certain +lands should henceforth belong to the nobility, while formerly these +lands were considered as belonging to the serfs.</p> + +<p>Or else, to take a better known example, when the Commune of 1871 +decided to pay members of the Commune Council 12s. 6d. a day, while the +Federates on the ramparts received only 1s. 3d., this decision was +hailed as an act of superior democratic equality. In reality, the +Commune only ratified the former inequality between functionary and +soldier, Government and governed. Coming from an Opportunist Chamber of +Deputies, such a decision would have appeared admirable, but the Commune +doomed her own revolutionary principles when she failed to put them into +practice.</p> + +<p>Under our existing social system, when a minister gets paid &pound;4,000 a +year, while a workman must content himself with &pound;40 or less; when a +foreman is paid two or three times more than a workman, and among +workmen there is every gradation, from 8s. a day down to the peasant +girl's 3d., we disapprove of the high salary of the minister as well as +of the difference between the 8s. of the workman and the 3d. of the poor +woman. And we say, '"Down with the privileges of <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_161" id="Page_161"></a></span>education, as well as +with those of birth!" We are anarchists precisely because these +privileges revolt us.</p> + +<p>They revolt us already in this authoritarian society. Could we endure +them in a society that began by proclaiming equality?</p> + +<p>This is why some collectivists, understanding the impossibility of +maintaining a scale of wages in a society inspired by the breath of the +Revolution, hasten to proclaim equality of wage. But they meet with new +difficulties, and their equality of wages becomes the same unrealizable +Utopia as the scale of wages of other collectivists.</p> + +<p>A society having taken possession of all social wealth, having boldly +proclaimed the right of all to this wealth&mdash;whatever share they may have +taken in producing it&mdash;will be compelled to abandon any system of wages, +whether in currency or labour-notes.</p> + +<h3>IV</h3> + +<p>The collectivists say, "To each according to his deeds"; or, in other +terms, according to his share of services rendered to society. They +think it expedient to put this principle into practice, as soon as the +Social Revolution will have made all instruments of production common +property. But we think that if the Social Revolution had the misfortune +of proclaiming such a principle, it would mean its necessary failure; it +would mean leaving the social problem, which past centuries have +burdened us with, unsolved.</p> + +<p>Of course, in a society like ours, in which the more a man works the +less he is remunerated, this principle, at first sight, may appear to be +a yearning for justice. But in reality it is only the perpetuation of +injustice. It was by proclaiming this principle that wagedom began, to +end in the glaring inequalities and all the abominations of present +society; because, from the moment work done began to be appraised in +currency, or in any other form of wage, the day it was agreed upon that +man would only receive the wage he should be able<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_162" id="Page_162"></a></span> to secure to himself, +the whole history of a State-aided Capitalist Society was as good as +written; it was contained in germ in this principle.</p> + +<p>Shall we, then, return to our starting-point, and go through the same +evolution again? Our theorists desire it, but fortunately it is +impossible. The Revolution, we maintain, must be communist; if not, it +will be drowned in blood, and have to be begun over again.</p> + +<p>Services rendered to society, be they work in factory or field, or +mental services, <i>cannot be</i> valued in money. There can be no exact +measure of value (of what has been wrongly termed exchange value), nor +of use value, in terms of production. If two individuals work for the +community five hours a day, year in year out, at different work which is +equally agreeable to them, we may say that on the whole their labour is +approximately equivalent. But we cannot divide their work, and say that +the result of any particular day, hour, or minute of work of the one is +worth the result of one day, one hour, or one minute of the other.</p> + +<p>We may roughly say that the man, who during his lifetime has deprived +himself of leisure during ten hours a day has given far more to society +than the one who has only deprived himself of leisure during five hours +a day, or who has not deprived himself at all. But we cannot take what +he has done during two hours, and say that the yield of his two hours' +work is worth twice as much as the yield of another individual, who has +worked only one hour, and remunerate the two in proportion. It would be +disregarding all that is complex in industry, in agriculture, in the +whole life of present society; it would be ignoring to what extent all +individual work is the result of the past and the present labour of +society as a whole. It would mean believing ourselves to be living in +the Stone Age, whereas we are living in an age of steel.</p> + +<p>If you enter a modern coal-mine you will see a man in charge of a huge +machine that raises and lowers a cage. In his hand he holds a lever that +stops and reverses the course<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_163" id="Page_163"></a></span> of the machine; he lowers it and the cage +reverses its course in the twinkling of an eye; he sends it upwards or +downwards into the depths of the shaft with a giddy swiftness. All +attention, he follows with his eyes fixed on an indicator which shows +him, on a small scale, at which point of the shaft the cage is at each +second of its progress; and as soon as the indicator has reached a +certain level, he suddenly stops the course of the cage, not a yard +higher nor lower than the required spot. And no sooner have the colliers +unloaded their coal-wagonettes, and pushed empty ones instead, than he +reverses the lever and again sends the cage back into space.</p> + +<p>During eight or ten consecutive hours every day he must keep the same +strain of attention. Should his brain relax for a moment, the cage would +inevitably strike against the gear, break its wheels, snap the rope, +crush men, and put a stop to all work in the mine. Should he waste three +seconds at each touch of the lever,&mdash;the extraction, in our modern, +perfected mines, would be reduced from twenty to fifty tons a day.</p> + +<p>Is it he who is the most necessary man in the mine? Or, is it perhaps +the boy who signals to him from below to raise the cage? Is it the miner +at the bottom of the shaft, who risks his life every instant, and who +will some day be killed by fire-damp? Or is it the engineer, who would +lose the layer of coal, and would cause the miners to dig on rock by a +simple mistake in his calculations? Or is it the mine owner who has put +his capital into the mine, and who has perhaps, contrary to expert +advice, asserted that excellent coal would be found there?</p> + +<p>All those who are engaged in the mine contribute to the extraction of +coal in proportion to their strength, their energy, their knowledge, +their intelligence, and their skill. And we may say that all have the +right to <i>live</i>, to satisfy their needs, and even their whims, when the +necessaries of life have been secured for all. But how can we appraise +the work of each one of them?</p> + +<p>And, moreover, Is the coal they have extracted entirely<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_164" id="Page_164"></a></span> <i>their</i> work? +Is it not also the work of the men who have built the railway leading to +the mine and the roads that radiate from all the railway stations? Is it +not also the work of those that have tilled and sown the fields, +extracted iron, cut wood in the forests, built the machines that burn +coal, slowly developed the mining industry altogether, and so on?</p> + +<p>It is utterly impossible to draw a distinction between the work of each +of those men. To measure the work by its results leads us to an +absurdity; to divide the total work, and to measure its fractions by the +number of hours spent on the work also leads us to absurdity. One thing +remains: to put the <i>needs</i> above the <i>works</i>, and first of all to +recognize <i>the right to live</i>, and later on <i>the right to well-being</i> +for all those who took their share in production.</p> + +<p>But take any other branch of human activity&mdash;take the manifestations of +life as a whole. Which one of us can claim the higher remuneration for +his work? Is it the doctor who has found out the illness, or the nurse +who has brought about recovery by her hygienic care? Is it the inventor +of the first steam-engine, or the boy, who, one day getting tired of +pulling the rope that formerly opened the valve to let steam under the +piston, tied the rope to the lever of the machine, without suspecting +that he had invented the essential mechanical part of all modern +machinery&mdash;the automatic valve?</p> + +<p>Is it the inventor of the locomotive, or the workman of Newcastle, who +suggested replacing the stones formerly laid under the rails by wooden +sleepers, as the stones, for want of elasticity, caused the trains to +derail? Is it the engineer on the locomotive? The signalman who stops +the trains, or lets them pass by? The switchman who transfers a train +from one line to another?</p> + +<p>Again, to whom do we owe the transatlantic cable? Is it to the +electrical engineer who obstinately affirmed that the cable would +transmit messages while learned men of science declared it to be +impossible? Is it to Maury, the learned physical geographer, who advised +that thick cables should be<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_165" id="Page_165"></a></span> set aside for others as thin as a walking +cane? Or else to those volunteers, come from nobody knows where, who +spent their days and nights on deck minutely examining every yard of the +cable, and removed the nails that the shareholders of steamship +companies stupidly caused to be driven into the non-conducting wrapper +of the cable, so as to make it unserviceable?</p> + +<p>And in a wider sphere, the true sphere of life, with its joys, its +sufferings, and its accidents, cannot each one of us recall someone who +has rendered him so great a service that we should be indignant if its +equivalent in coin were mentioned? The service may have been but a word, +nothing but a word spoken at the right time, or else it may have been +months and years of devotion, and we are going to appraise these +"incalculable" services in "labour-notes"?</p> + +<p>"The works of each!" But human society would not exist for more than two +consecutive generations if everyone did not give infinitely more than +that for which he is paid in coin, in "cheques," or in civic rewards. +The race would soon become extinct if mothers did not sacrifice their +lives to take care of their children, if men did not give continually, +without demanding an equivalent reward, if men did not give most +precisely when they expect no reward.</p> + +<p>If middle-class society is decaying, if we have got into a blind alley +from which we cannot emerge without attacking past institutions with +torch and hatchet, it is precisely because we have given too much to +counting. It is because we have let ourselves be influenced into +<i>giving</i> only to <i>receive.</i> It is because we have aimed at turning +society into a commercial company based on <i>debit</i> and <i>credit</i>.</p> + +<p>After all, the Collectivists know this themselves. They vaguely +understand that a society could not exist if it carried out the +principle of "Each according to his deeds." They have a notion that +<i>necessaries</i>&mdash;we do not speak of whims&mdash;the needs of the individual, do +not always correspond to his <i>works</i>. Thus De Paepe tells us: "The +principle&mdash;the eminently Individualist principle&mdash;would, however, be +<i>tempered</i><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_166" id="Page_166"></a></span> by social intervention for the education of children and +young persons (including maintenance and lodging), and by the social +organization for assisting the infirm and the sick, for retreats for +aged workers, etc." They understand that a man of forty, father of three +children, has other needs than a young man of twenty. They know that the +woman who suckles her infant and spends sleepless nights at its bedside, +cannot do as much <i>work</i> as the man who has slept peacefully. They seem +to take in that men and women, worn out maybe by dint of overwork for +society, may be incapable of doing as much <i>work</i> as those who have +spent their time leisurely and pocketed their "labour-notes" in the +privileged career of State functionaries.</p> + +<p>They are eager to temper their principle. They say: "Society will not +fail to maintain and bring up its children; to help both aged and +infirm. Without doubt <i>needs</i> will be the measure of the cost that +society will burden itself with, to temper the principle of deeds."</p> + +<p>Charity, charity, always Christian charity, organized by the State this +time. They believe in improving the asylums for foundlings, in effecting +old-age and sick insurances&mdash;so as to <i>temper</i> their principle. But they +cannot yet throw aside the idea of "wounding first and healing +afterwards"!</p> + +<p>Thus, after having denied Communism, after having laughed at their ease +at the formula&mdash;"To each according to his needs"&mdash;these great economists +discover that they have forgotten something, the needs of the producers, +which they now admit. Only it is for the State to estimate them, for the +State to verify if the needs are not disproportionate to the work.</p> + +<p>The State will dole out charity. Thence to the English poor-law and the +workhouse is but a step.</p> + +<p>There is but a slight difference, because even this stepmother of a +society against whom we are in revolt has also been compelled to +<i>temper</i> her individualist principles; she, too, has had to make +concessions in a communist direction and under the same form of charity.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_167" id="Page_167"></a></span></p><p>She, too, distributes halfpenny dinners to prevent the pillaging of her +shops; builds hospitals&mdash;often very bad ones, but sometimes splendid +ones&mdash;to prevent the ravages of contagious diseases. She, too, after +having paid the hours of labour, shelters the children of those she has +wrecked. She takes their needs into consideration and doles out charity.</p> + +<p>Poverty, we have said elsewhere, was the primary cause of wealth. It was +poverty that created the first capitalist; because, before accumulating +"surplus value," of which we hear so much, men had to be sufficiently +destitute to consent to sell their labour, so as not to die of hunger. +It was poverty that made capitalists. And if the number of the poor +increased so rapidly during the Middle Ages, it was due to the invasions +and wars that followed the founding of States, and to the increase of +riches resulting from the exploitation of the East. These two causes +tore asunder the bonds that kept men together in the agrarian and urban +communities, and taught them to proclaim the principle of <i>wages</i>, so +dear to the exploiters, instead of the solidarity they formerly +practiced in their tribal life.</p> + +<p>And it is this principle that is to spring from a revolution which men +dare to call by the name of Social Revolution,&mdash;a name so dear to the +starved, the oppressed, and the sufferers!</p> + +<p>It can never be. For the day on which old institutions will fall under +the proletarian axe, voices will cry out: "Bread, shelter, ease for +all!" And those voices will be listened to; the people will say: "Let us +begin by allaying our thirst for life, for happiness, for liberty, that +we have never quenched. And when we shall have tasted of this joy, we +will set to work to demolish the last vestiges of middle-class rule: its +morality drawn from account books, its 'debit and credit' philosophy, +its 'mine and yours' institutions. 'In demolishing we shall build,' as +Proudhon said; and we shall build in the name of Communism and Anarchy."</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_168" id="Page_168"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XIV" id="CHAPTER_XIV"></a>CHAPTER XIV</h2> + +<h3>CONSUMPTION AND PRODUCTION</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Looking at society and its political organization from a different +standpoint than that of all the authoritarian schools&mdash;for we start from +a free individual to reach a free society, instead of beginning by the +State to come down to the individual&mdash;we follow the same method in +economic questions. We study the needs of the individuals, and the means +by which they satisfy them, before discussing Production, Exchange, +Taxation, Government, and so on. At first sight the difference may +appear trifling, but in reality it upsets all the canons of official +Political Economy.</p> + +<p>If you open the works of any economist you will find that he begins with +<span class="smaller">PRODUCTION</span>, <i>i. e.</i>, by the analysis of the means employed nowadays for +the creation of wealth: division of labour, the factory, its machinery, +the accumulation of capital. From Adam Smith to Marx, all have proceeded +along these lines. Only in the latter parts of their books do they treat +of <span class="smaller">CONSUMPTION</span>, that is to say, of the means resorted to in our present +Society to satisfy the needs of the individuals; and even there they +confine themselves to explaining how riches <i>are</i> divided among those +who vie with one another for their possession.</p> + +<p>Perhaps you will say this is logical. Before satisfying needs you must +create the wherewithal to satisfy them. But, before producing anything, +must you not feel the need of it? Was it not necessity that first drove +man to hunt, to raise cattle, to cultivate land, to make implements, and +later on to <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_169" id="Page_169"></a></span>invent machinery? Is it not the study of the needs that +should govern production? To say the least, it would therefore be quite +as logical to begin by considering the needs, and afterwards to discuss +how production is, and ought to be, organized, in order to satisfy these +needs.</p> + +<p>This is precisely what we mean to do.</p> + +<p>But as soon as we look at Political Economy from this point of view, it +entirely changes its aspect. It ceases to be a simple description of +facts, and becomes a <i>science</i>, and we may define this science as: "<i>The +study of the needs of mankind, and the means of satisfying them with the +least possible waste of human energy</i>". Its true name should be, +<i>Physiology of Society</i>. It constitutes a parallel science to the +physiology of plants and animals, which is the study of the needs of +plants and animals, and of the most advantageous ways of satisfying +them. In the series of sociological sciences, the economy of human +societies takes the place, occupied in the series of biological sciences +by the physiology of organic bodies.</p> + +<p>We say, here are human beings, united in a society. All of them feel the +need of living in healthy houses. The savage's hut no longer satisfies +them; they require a more or less comfortable solid shelter. The +question is, then: whether, taking the present capacity of men for +production, every man can have a house of his own? and what is hindering +him from having it?</p> + +<p>And as soon as we ask <i>this</i> question, we see that every family in +Europe could perfectly well have a comfortable house, such as are built +in England, in Belgium, or in Pullman City, or else an equivalent set of +rooms. A certain number of days' work would suffice to build a pretty +little airy house, well fitted up and lighted by electricity.</p> + +<p>But nine-tenths of Europeans have never possessed a healthy house, +because at all times common people have had to work day after day to +satisfy the needs of their rulers, and have never had the necessary +leisure or money to build, or to have built, the home of their dreams. +And they can have no houses,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_170" id="Page_170"></a></span> and will inhabit hovels as long as present +conditions remain unchanged.</p> + +<p>It is thus seen that our method is quite contrary to that of the +economists, who immortalize the so-called <i>laws</i> of production, and, +reckoning up the number of houses built every year, demonstrate by +statistics, that as the number of the new-built houses <i>is</i> too small to +meet all demands, nine-tenths of Europeans <i>must</i> live in hovels.</p> + +<p>Let us pass on to food. After having enumerated the benefits accruing +from the division of labour, economists tell us the division of labour +requires that some men should work at agriculture and others at +manufacture. Farmers producing so much, factories so much, exchange +being carried on in such a way, they analyze the sale, the profit, the +net gain or the surplus value, the wages, the taxes, banking, and so on.</p> + +<p>But after having followed them so far, we are none the wiser, and if we +ask them: "How is it that millions of human beings are in want of bread, +when every family could grow sufficient wheat to feed ten, twenty, and +even a hundred people annually?" they answer us by droning the same +anthem&mdash;division of labour, wages, surplus value, capital, +etc.&mdash;arriving at the same conclusion, that production is insufficient +to satisfy all needs; a conclusion which, if true, does not answer the +question: "Can or cannot man by his labour produce the bread he needs? +And if he cannot, what is it that hinders him?"</p> + +<p>Here are 350 million Europeans. They need so much bread, so much meat, +wine, milk, eggs, and butter every year. They need so many houses, so +much clothing. This is the minimum of their needs. Can they produce all +this? and if they can, will sufficient leisure be left them for art, +science, and amusement?&mdash;in a word, for everything that is not comprised +in the category of absolute necessities? If the answer is in the +affirmative,&mdash;What hinders them going ahead? What must they do to remove +the obstacles? Is it time that is needed to achieve such a result? Let +them take<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_171" id="Page_171"></a></span> it! But let us not lose sight of the aim of production&mdash;the +satisfaction of the needs of all.</p> + +<p>If the most imperious needs of man remain unsatisfied now,&mdash;What must we +do to increase the productivity of our work? But is there no other +cause? Might it not be that production, having lost sight of the <i>needs</i> +of man, has strayed in an absolutely wrong direction, and that its +organization is at fault? And as we can prove that such is the case, let +us see how to reorganize production so as to really satisfy all needs.</p> + +<p>This seems to us the only right way of facing things. The only way that +would allow of Political Economy becoming a science&mdash;the Science of +Social Physiology.</p> + +<p>It is evident that so long as science treats of production, as <i>it is</i> +carried on at present by civilized nations, by Hindoo communes, or by +savages, it can hardly state facts otherwise than the economists state +them now; that is to say, as a simple <i>descriptive</i> chapter, analogous +to the descriptive chapters of Zoology and Botany. But if this chapter +were written so as to throw some light on the economy of the energy that +is necessary to satisfy human needs, the chapter would gain in +precision, as well as in descriptive value. It would clearly show the +frightful waste of human energy under the present system, and it would +prove that as long as this system exists, the needs of humanity will +never be satisfied.</p> + +<p>The point of view, we see, would be entirely changed. Behind the loom +that weaves so many yards of cloth, behind the steel-plate perforator, +and behind the safe in which dividends are hoarded, we should see man, +the artisan of production, more often than not excluded from the feast +he has prepared for others. We should also understand that the +standpoint being wrong, the so-called "laws" of value and exchange are +but a very false explanation of events, as they happen nowadays; and +that things will come to pass very differently when production is +organized in such a manner as to meet all needs of society.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_172" id="Page_172"></a></span></p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>There is not one single principle of Political Economy that does not +change its aspect if you look at it from our point of view.</p> + +<p>Take, for instance, over-production, a word which every day re-echoes in +our ears. Is there a single economist, academician, or candidate for +academical honours, who has not supported arguments, proving that +economic crises are due to over-production&mdash;that at a given moment more +cotton, more cloth, more watches are produced than are needed! Have we +not, all of us, thundered against the rapacity of the capitalists who +are obstinately bent on producing more than can possibly be consumed!</p> + +<p>However, on careful examination all these reasonings prove unsound. In +fact, Is there one single commodity among those in universal use which +is produced in greater quantity than need be. Examine one by one all +commodities sent out by countries exporting on a large scale, and you +will see that nearly all are produced in <i>insufficient</i> quantities for +the inhabitants of the countries exporting them.</p> + +<p>It is not a surplus of wheat that the Russian peasant sends to Europe. +The most plentiful harvests of wheat and rye in European Russia only +yield <i>enough</i> for the population. And as a rule, the peasant deprives +himself of what he actually needs when he sells his wheat or rye to pay +rent and taxes.</p> + +<p>It is not a surplus of coal that England sends to the four corners of +the globe, because only three-quarters of a ton, per head of population, +annually, remains for home domestic consumption, and millions of +Englishmen are deprived of fire in the winter, or have only just enough +to boil a few vegetables. In fact, setting aside useless luxuries, there +is in England, which exports more than any other country, one single +commodity in universal use&mdash;cottons&mdash;whose production is sufficiently +great to <i>perhaps</i> exceed the needs of the community. Yet when we look +upon the rags that pass for wearing apparel worn by over a third of the +inhabitants of<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_173" id="Page_173"></a></span> the United Kingdom, we are led to ask ourselves whether +the cottons exported would not, on the whole, suit the <i>real</i> needs of +the population?</p> + +<p>As a rule it is not a surplus that is exported, though it may have been +so originally. The fable of the barefooted shoemaker is as true of +nations as it was formerly of individual artisans. We export the +<i>necessary</i> commodities. And we do so, because the workmen cannot buy +with their wages what they have produced, <i>and pay besides the rent and +interest to the capitalist and the banker</i>.</p> + +<p>Not only does the ever-growing need of comfort remain unsatisfied, but +the strict necessities of life are often wanting. Therefore, "surplus +production" does <i>not</i> exist, at least not in the sense given to it by +the theorists of Political Economy.</p> + +<p>Taking another point&mdash;all economists tell us that there is a well-proved +law: "Man produces more than he consumes." After he has lived on the +proceeds of his toil, there remains a surplus. Thus, a family of +cultivators produces enough to feed several families, and so forth.</p> + +<p>For us, this oft-repeated sentence has no sense. If it meant that each +generation leaves something to future generations, it would be true; +thus, for example, a farmer plants a tree that will live, maybe, for +thirty, forty, or a hundred years, and whose fruits will still be +gathered by the farmer's grandchildren. Or he clears a few acres of +virgin soil, and we say that the heritage of future generations has been +increased by that much. Roads, bridges, canals, his house and his +furniture are so much wealth bequeathed to succeeding generations.</p> + +<p>But this is not what is meant. We are told that the cultivator produces +more than he <i>need</i> consume. Rather should they say that, the State +having always taken from him a large share of his produce for taxes, the +priest for tithe, and the landlord for rent, a whole class of men has +been created, who formerly consumed what they produced&mdash;save what was +set aside for unforeseen accidents, or expenses incurred in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_174" id="Page_174"></a></span> +afforestation, roads, etc.&mdash;but who to-day are compelled to live very +poorly, from hand to mouth, the remainder having been taken from them by +the State, the landlord, the priest, and the usurer.</p> + +<p>Therefore we prefer to say: The agricultural labourer, the industrial +worker and so on <i>consume less than they produce</i>,&mdash;because they are +<i>compelled</i> to sell most of the produce of their labour and to be +satisfied with but a small portion of it.</p> + +<p>Let us also observe that if the needs of the individual are taken as the +starting-point of our political economy, we cannot fail to reach +Communism, an organization which enables us to satisfy all needs in the +most thorough and economical way. While if we start from our present +method of production, and aim at gain and surplus value, without asking +whether our production corresponds to the satisfaction of needs, we +necessarily arrive at Capitalism, or at most at Collectivism&mdash;both being +but two different forms of the present wages' system.</p> + +<p>In fact, when we consider the needs of the individual and of society, +and the means which man has resorted to in order to satisfy them during +his varied phases of development, we see at once the necessity of +systematizing our efforts, instead of producing haphazard as we do +nowadays. It becomes evident that the appropriation by a few of all +riches not consumed, and transmitted from one generation to another, is +not in the general interest. And we see as a fact that owing to these +methods the needs of three-quarters of society are <i>not</i> satisfied, so +that the present waste of human strength in useless things is only the +more criminal.</p> + +<p>We discover, moreover, that the most advantageous use of all commodities +would be, for each of them, to go, first, for satisfying those needs +which are the most pressing: that, in other words, the so-called "value +in use" of a commodity does not depend on a simple whim, as has often +been affirmed, but on the satisfaction it brings to <i>real</i> needs.</p> + +<p>Communism&mdash;that is to say, an organization which would<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_175" id="Page_175"></a></span> correspond to a +view of Consumption, Production, and Exchange, taken as a +whole&mdash;therefore becomes the logical consequence of such a comprehension +of things&mdash;the only one, in our opinion, that is really scientific.</p> + +<p>A society that will satisfy the needs of all, and which will know how to +organize production to answer to this aim will also have to make a clean +sweep of several prejudices concerning industry, and first of all the +theory often preached by economists&mdash;<i>The Division of Labour</i> +theory&mdash;which we are going to discuss in the next chapter.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_176" id="Page_176"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XV" id="CHAPTER_XV"></a>CHAPTER XV</h2> + +<h3>THE DIVISION OF LABOUR</h3> + +<p>Political Economy has always confined itself to stating facts occurring +in society, and justifying them in the interest of the dominant class. +Therefore, it pronounces itself in favour of the division of labour in +industry. Having found it profitable to capitalists, it has set it up as +a <i>principle</i>.</p> + +<p>Look at the village smith, said Adam Smith, the father of modern +Political Economy. If he has never been accustomed to making nails he +will only succeed by hard toil in forging two or three hundred a day, +and even then they will be bad. But if this same smith has never made +anything but nails, he will easily supply as many as two thousand three +hundred in the course of a day. And Smith hastened to the +conclusion&mdash;"Divide labour, specialize, go on specializing; let us have +smiths who only know how to make heads or points of nails, and by this +means we shall produce more. We shall grow rich."</p> + +<p>That a smith condemned for life to make the heads of nails would lose +all interest in his work, that he would be entirely at the mercy of his +employer with his limited handicraft, that he would be out of work four +months out of twelve, and that his wages would fall very low down, when +it would be easy to replace him by an apprentice, Smith did not think of +all this when he exclaimed&mdash;"Long live the division of labour. This is +the real gold-mine that will enrich the nation!" And all joined him in +this cry.</p> + +<p>And later on, when a Sismondi or a J. B. Say began to understand that +the division of labour, instead of enriching<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_177" id="Page_177"></a></span> the whole nation, only +enriches the rich, and that the worker, who is doomed for life to making +the eighteenth part of a pin, grows stupid and sinks into poverty&mdash;what +did official economists propose? Nothing! They did not say to themselves +that by a lifelong grind at one and the same mechanical toil the worker +would lose his intelligence and his spirit of invention, and that, on +the contrary, a variety of occupations would result in considerably +augmenting the productivity of a nation. But this is the very issue we +have now to consider.</p> + +<p>If, however, learned economists were the only ones to preach the +permanent and often hereditary division of labour, we might allow them +to preach it as much as they pleased. But the ideas taught by doctors of +science filter into men's minds and pervert them; and from repeatedly +hearing the division of labour, profits, interest, credit, etc., spoken +of as problems long since solved, all middle-class people, and workers +too, end by arguing like economists; they venerate the same fetishes.</p> + +<p>Thus we see most socialists, even those who have not feared to point out +the mistakes of economical science, justifying the division of labour. +Talk to them about the organization of work during the Revolution, and +they answer that the division of labour must be maintained; that if you +sharpened pins before the Revolution you must go on sharpening them +after. True, you will not have to work more than five hours a day, but +you will have to sharpen pins all your life, while others will make +designs for machines that will enable you to sharpen hundreds of +millions of pins during your life-time; and others again will be +specialists in the higher branches of literature, science, and art, etc. +You were born to sharpen pins while Pasteur was born to invent the +inoculation against anthrax, and the Revolution will leave you both to +your respective employments. Well, it is this horrible principle, so +noxious to society, so brutalizing to the individual, source of so much +harm, that we propose to discuss in its divers manifestations.</p> + +<p>We know the consequences of the division of labour full<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_178" id="Page_178"></a></span> well. It is +evident that, first of all, we are divided into two classes: on the one +hand, producers, who consume very little and are exempt from thinking +because they only do physical work, and who work badly because their +brains remain inactive; and on the other hand, the consumers, who, +producing little or hardly anything, have the privilege of thinking for +the others, and who think badly because the whole world of those who +toil with their hands is unknown to them. Then, we have the labourers of +the soil who know nothing of machinery, while those who work at +machinery ignore everything about agriculture. The idea of modern +industry is a child <i>tending</i> a machine that he cannot and must not +understand, and a foreman who fines him if his attention flags for a +moment. The ideal of industrial agriculture is to do away with the +agricultural labourer altogether and to set a man who does odd jobs to +tend a steam-plough or a threshing-machine. The division of labour means +labelling and stamping men for life&mdash;some to splice ropes in factories, +some to be foremen in a business, others to shove huge coal-baskets in a +particular part of a mine; but none of them to have any idea of +machinery as a whole, nor of business, nor of mines. And thereby they +destroy the love of work and the capacity for invention that, at the +beginning of modern industry, created the machinery on which we pride +ourselves so much.</p> + +<p>What they have done for individuals, they also wanted to do for nations. +Humanity was to be divided into national workshops, having each its +speciality. Russia, we were taught, was destined by nature to grow corn; +England to spin cotton; Belgium to weave cloth; while Switzerland was to +train nurses and governesses. Moreover, each separate city was to +establish a specialty. Lyons was to weave silk, Auvergne to make lace, +and Paris fancy articles. In this way, economists said, an immense field +was opened for production and consumption, and in this way an era of +limitless wealth for mankind was at hand.</p> + +<p>However, these great hopes vanished as fast as technical knowledge +spread abroad. As long as England stood alone<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_179" id="Page_179"></a></span> as a weaver of cotton and +as a metal-worker on a large scale; as long as only Paris made artistic +fancy articles, etc., all went well, economists could preach the +so-called division of labour without being refuted.</p> + +<p>But a new current of thought induced bye and bye all civilized nations +to manufacture for themselves. They found it advantageous to produce +what they formerly received from other countries, or from their +colonies, which in their turn aimed at emancipating themselves from the +mother-country. Scientific discoveries universalized the methods of +production, and henceforth it was useless to pay an exorbitant price +abroad for what could easily be produced at home. And now we see already +that this industrial revolution strikes a crushing blow at the theory of +the division of labour which for a long time was supposed to be so +sound.</p> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_180" id="Page_180"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVI" id="CHAPTER_XVI"></a>CHAPTER XVI</h2> + +<h3>THE DECENTRALIZATION OF INDUSTRY<a name="FNanchor_10_10" id="FNanchor_10_10"></a><a href="#Footnote_10_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>After the Napoleonic wars Britain had nearly succeeded in ruining the +main industries which had sprung up in France at the end of the +preceding century. She also became mistress of the seas and had no +rivals of importance. She took in the situation, and knew how to turn +its privileges and advantages to account. She established an industrial +monopoly, and, imposing upon her neighbours her prices for the goods she +alone could manufacture, accumulated riches upon riches.</p> + +<p>But as the middle-class Revolution of the eighteenth century had +abolished serfdom and created a proletariat in France, French industry, +hampered for a time in its flight, soared again, and from the second +half of the nineteenth century France ceased to be a tributary of +England for manufactured goods. To-day she too has grown into a nation +with an export trade. She sells far more than sixty million pounds' +worth of manufactured goods, and two-thirds of these goods are fabrics. +The number of Frenchmen working for export or living by their foreign +trade, is estimated at three millions.</p> + +<p>France is therefore no longer England's tributary. In her turn she has +striven to monopolize certain branches of foreign industry, such as +silks and ready-made clothes, and has reaped immense profits therefrom; +but she is on the point of losing this monopoly for ever, just as +England is on the point of losing the monopoly of cotton goods.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_181" id="Page_181"></a></span></p><p>Travelling eastwards, industry has reached Germany. Fifty years ago +Germany was a tributary of England and France for most manufactured +commodities in the higher branches of industry. It is no longer so. In +the course of the last fifty years, and especially since the +Franco-German war, Germany has completely reorganized her industry. The +new factories are stocked with the best machinery; the latest creations +of industrial art in cotton goods from Manchester, or in silks from +Lyons, etc., are now realized in new German factories. It took two or +three generations of workers, at Lyons and Manchester, to construct the +modern machinery; but Germany adopted it in its perfected state. +Technical schools, adapted to the needs of industry, supply the +factories with an army of intelligent workmen&mdash;practical engineers, who +can work with both hand and brain. German industry starts at the point +which was only reached by Manchester and Lyons after fifty years of +groping in the dark, of exertion and experiments.</p> + +<p>It follows that since Germany manufactures so well at home, she +diminishes her imports from France and England year by year. She has not +only become their rival in manufactured goods in Asia and in Africa, but +also in London and in Paris. Shortsighted people in France may cry out +against the Frankfort Treaty; English manufacturers may explain German +competition by little differences in railway tariffs; they may linger on +the petty side of questions, and neglect great historical facts. But it +is none the less certain that the main industries, formerly in the hands +of England and France, have progressed eastward, and in Germany they +have found a country, young, full of energy, possessing an intelligent +middle class, and eager in its turn to enrich itself by foreign trade.</p> + +<p>While Germany has freed herself from subjection to France and England, +has manufactured her own cotton-cloth, and constructed her own +machines&mdash;in fact, manufactured all commodities&mdash;the main industries +have also taken root in <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_182" id="Page_182"></a></span>Russia, where the development of manufacture is +the more instructive as it sprang up but yesterday.</p> + +<p>At the time of the abolition of serfdom in 1861, Russia had hardly any +factories. Everything needed in the way of machines, rails, +railway-engines, fine dress materials, came from the West. Twenty years +later she possessed already 85,000 factories, and the value of the goods +manufactured in Russia had increased fourfold.</p> + +<p>The old machinery was superseded, and now nearly all the steel in use in +Russia, three-quarters of the iron, two-thirds of the coal, all +railway-engines, railway-carriages, rails, nearly all steamers, are made +in Russia.</p> + +<p>Russia, destined&mdash;so wrote economists&mdash;to remain an agricultural +territory, has rapidly developed into a manufacturing country. She +orders hardly anything from England, and very little from Germany.</p> + +<p>Economists hold the customs responsible for these facts, and yet cottons +manufactured in Russia are sold at the same price as in London. Capital +taking no cognizance of father-lands, German and English capitalists, +accompanied by engineers and foremen of their own nationalities, have +introduced in Russia and in Poland manufactories whose goods compete in +excellence with the best from England. If customs were abolished +to-morrow, manufacture would only gain by it. Not long ago the British +manufacturers delivered another hard blow to the import of cloth and +woolens from the West. They set up in southern and middle Russia immense +wool factories, stocked with the most perfect machinery from Bradford, +and already now Russia imports only the highest sorts of cloth and +woolen fabrics from England, France and Austria. The remainder is +fabricated at home, both in factories and as domestic industries.</p> + +<p>The main industries not only move eastward, they are spreading also to +the southern peninsulas. The Turin Exhibition of 1884 already +demonstrated the progress made in Italian manufactured produce; and, let +us not make any mistake about it, the mutual hatred of the French and +Italian middle<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_183" id="Page_183"></a></span> classes has no other origin than their industrial +rivalry. Spain is also becoming an industrial country; while in the +East, Bohemia has suddenly sprung into importance as a new centre of +manufactures, provided with perfected machinery and applying the best +scientific methods.</p> + +<p>We might also mention Hungary's rapid progress in the main industries, +but let us rather take Brazil as an example. Economists sentenced Brazil +to cultivate cotton forever, to export it in its raw state, and to +receive cotton-cloth from Europe in exchange. In fact, forty years ago +Brazil had only nine wretched little cotton factories with 385 spindles. +To-day there are 160 cotton-mills, possessing 1,500,000 spindles and +50,000 looms, which throw 500 million yards of textiles on the market +annually.</p> + +<p>Even Mexico is now very successful in manufacturing cotton-cloth, +instead of importing it from Europe. As to the United States they have +quite freed themselves from European tutelage, and have triumphantly +developed their manufacturing powers to an enormous extent.</p> + +<p>But it was India which gave the most striking proof against the +specialization of national industry.</p> + +<p>We all know the theory: the great European nations need colonies, for +colonies send raw material&mdash;cotton fibre, unwashed wool, spices, etc., +to the mother-land. And the mother-land, under pretense of sending them +manufactured wares, gets rid of her damaged stuffs, her machine +scrap-iron and everything which she no longer has any use for. It costs +her little or nothing, and none the less the articles are sold at +exorbitant prices.</p> + +<p>Such was the theory&mdash;such was the practice for a long time. In London +and Manchester fortunes were made, while India was being ruined. In the +India Museum in London unheard of riches, collected in Calcutta and +Bombay by English merchants, are to be seen.</p> + +<p>But other English merchants and capitalists conceived the very simple +idea that it would be more expedient to exploit the natives of India by +making cotton-cloth in India itself,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_184" id="Page_184"></a></span> than to import from twenty to +twenty-four million pounds' worth of goods annually.</p> + +<p>At first a series of experiments ended in failure. Indian +weavers&mdash;artists and experts in their own craft&mdash;could not inure +themselves to factory life; the machinery sent from Liverpool was bad; +the climate had to be taken into account; and merchants had to adapt +themselves to new conditions, now fully mastered, before British India +could become the menacing rival of the Mother-land she is to-day.</p> + +<p>She now possesses more than 200 cotton-mills which employ about 230,000 +workmen, and contain more than 6,000,000 spindles and 80,000 looms, and +40 jute-mills, with 400,000 spindles. She exports annually to China, to +the Dutch Indies, and to Africa, nearly eight million pounds' worth of +the same white cotton-cloth, said to be England's specialty. And while +English workmen are often unemployed and in great want, Indian women +weave cotton by machinery, for the Far East at wages of six-pence a day. +In short, the intelligent manufacturers are fully aware that the day is +not far off when they will not know what to do with the "factory hands" +who formerly wove cotton-cloth for export from England. Besides which it +is becoming more and more evident that India will no import a single ton +of iron from England. The initial difficulties in using the coal and the +iron-ore obtained in India have been overcome; and foundries, rivalling +those in England, have been built on the shores of the Indian Ocean.</p> + +<p>Colonies competing with the mother-land in its production of +manufactured goods, such is the factor which will regulate economy in +the twentieth century.</p> + +<p>And why should India not manufacture? What should be the hindrance? +Capital?&mdash;But capital goes wherever there are men, poor enough to be +exploited. Knowledge? But knowledge recognizes no national barriers. +Technical skill of the worker?&mdash;No. Are, then, Hindoo workmen inferior +to the hundreds of thousands of boys and girls, not eighteen years old, +at present working in the English textile factories?</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_185" id="Page_185"></a></span></p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>After having glanced at national industries it would be very interesting +to turn to some special branches.</p> + +<p>Let us take silk, for example, an eminently French produce in the first +half of the nineteenth century. We all know how Lyons became the +emporium of the silk trade. At first raw silk was gathered in southern +France, till little by little they ordered it from Italy, from Spain, +from Austria, from the Caucasus, and from Japan, for the manufacture of +their silk fabrics. In 1875, out of five million kilos of raw silk +converted into stuffs in the vicinity of Lyons, there were only four +hundred thousand kilos of French silk. But if Lyons manufactured +imported silk, why should not Switzerland, Germany, Russia, do as much? +Consequently, silk-weaving began to develop in the villages round +Zurich. B&acirc;le became a great centre of the silk trade. The Caucasian +Administration engaged women from Marseilles and workmen from Lyons to +teach Georgians the perfected rearing of silk-worms, and the art of +converting silk into fabrics to the Caucasian peasants. Austria +followed. Then Germany, with the help of Lyons workmen, built great silk +factories. The United States did likewise at Paterson.</p> + +<p>And to-day the silk trade is no longer a French monopoly. Silks are made +in Germany, in Austria, in the United States, and in England, and it is +now reckoned that one-third of the silk stuffs used in France are +imported. In winter, Caucasian peasants weave silk handkerchiefs at a +wage that would mean starvation to the silk-weavers of Lyons. Italy and +Germany send silks to France; and Lyons, which in 1870-4 exported 460 +million francs' worth of silk fabrics, exports now only one-half of that +amount. In fact, the time is not far off when Lyons will only send +higher class goods and a few novelties as patterns to Germany, Russia +and Japan.</p> + +<p>And so it is in all industries. Belgium has no longer the cloth +monopoly; cloth is made in Germany, in Russia, in Austria, in the United +States. Switzerland and the French<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_186" id="Page_186"></a></span> Jura have no longer a clockwork +monopoly; watches are made everywhere. Scotland no longer refines sugar +for Russia: refined Russian sugar is imported into England. Italy, +although neither possessing coal nor iron, makes her own iron-clads and +engines for her steamers. Chemical industry is no longer an English +monopoly; sulphuric acid and soda are made even in the Urals. +Steam-engines, made at Winterthur, have acquired everywhere a wide +reputation, and at the present moment, Switzerland, which has neither +coal nor iron, and no sea-ports to import them&mdash;nothing but excellent +technical schools&mdash;makes machinery better and cheaper than England. So +ends the theory of Exchange.</p> + +<p>The tendency of trade, as for all else, is toward decentralization.</p> + +<p>Every nation finds it advantageous to combine agriculture with the +greatest possible variety of factories. The specialization, of which +economists spoke so highly, certainly has enriched a number of +capitalists, but is now no longer of any use. On the contrary, it is to +the advantage of every region, every nation, to grow their own wheat, +their own vegetables, and to manufacture at home most of the produce +they consume. This diversity is the surest pledge of the complete +development of production by mutual co-operation, and the moving cause +of progress, while specialization is now a hindrance to progress.</p> + +<p>Agriculture can only prosper in proximity to factories. And no sooner +does a single factory appear than an infinite variety of other factories +<i>must</i> spring up around, so that, mutually supporting and stimulating +one another by their inventions, they increase their productivity.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>It is foolish indeed to export wheat and to import flour, to export wool +and import cloth, to export iron and import machinery; not only because +transportation is a waste of time and money, but, above all, because a +country with no <span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_187" id="Page_187"></a></span>developed industry inevitably remains behind the times +in agriculture; because a country with no large factories to bring steel +to a finished condition is doomed to be backward in all other +industries; and lastly, because the industrial and technical capacities +of the nation remain undeveloped, if they are not exercised in a variety +of industries.</p> + +<p>Nowadays everything holds together in the world of production. +Cultivation of the soil is no longer possible without machinery, without +great irrigation works, without railways, without manure factories. And +to adapt this machinery, these railways, these irrigation engines, etc., +to local conditions, a certain spirit of invention, and a certain amount +of technical skill must be developed, while they necessarily lie dormant +so long as spades and ploughshares are the only implements of +cultivation.</p> + +<p>If fields are to be properly cultivated, if they are to yield the +abundant harvests that man has the right to expect, it is essential that +workshops, foundries, and factories develop within the reach of the +fields. A variety of occupations, and a variety of skill arising +therefrom, both working together for a common aim&mdash;these are the true +forces of progress.</p> + +<p>And now let us imagine the inhabitants of a city or a territory&mdash;whether +vast or small&mdash;stepping for the first time on to the path of the Social +Revolution.</p> + +<p>We are sometimes told that "nothing will have changed": that the mines, +the factories, etc., will be expropriated, and proclaimed national or +communal property, that every man will go back to his usual work, and +that the Revolution will then be accomplished.</p> + +<p>But this is a mere dream: the Social Revolution cannot take place so +simply.</p> + +<p>We have already mentioned that should the Revolution break out to-morrow +in Paris, Lyons, or any other city&mdash;should the workers lay hands on +factories, houses, and banks, present production would be completely +revolutionized by this simple fact.</p> + +<p>International commerce will come to a standstill; so also<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_188" id="Page_188"></a></span> will the +importation of foreign bread-stuffs; the circulation of commodities and +of provisions will be paralyzed. And then, the city or territory in +revolt will be compelled to provide for itself, and to reorganize its +production, so as to satisfy its own needs. If it fails to do so, it is +death. If it succeeds, it will revolutionize the economic life of the +country.</p> + +<p>The quantity of imported provisions having decreased, consumption having +increased, one million Parisians working for exportation purposes having +been thrown out of work, a great number of things imported to-day from +distant or neighbouring countries not reaching their destination, +fancy-trade being temporarily at a standstill,&mdash;What will the +inhabitants have to eat six months after the Revolution?</p> + +<p>We think that when the stores containing food-stuffs are empty, the +masses will seek to obtain their food from the land. They will see the +necessity of cultivating the soil, of combining agricultural production +with industrial production in the suburbs of Paris itself and its +environs. They will have to abandon the merely ornamental trades and +consider their most urgent need&mdash;bread.</p> + +<p>A great number of the inhabitants of the cities will have to become +agriculturists. Not in the same manner as the present peasants who wear +themselves out, ploughing for a wage that barely provides them with +sufficient food for the year, but by following the principles of the +intensive agriculture, of the market gardeners, applied on a large scale +by means of the best machinery that man has invented or can invent. They +will till the land&mdash;not, however, like the country beast of burden: a +Paris jeweller would object to that. They will organize cultivation on +better principles; and not in the future, but at once, during the +revolutionary struggles, from fear of being worsted by the enemy.</p> + +<p>Agriculture will have to be carried out on intelligent lines, by men and +women availing themselves of the experience of the present time, +organizing themselves in joyous gangs for pleasant work, like those who, +a hundred years ago, worked in the Champ de Mars for the Feast of the +Federation&mdash;a<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_189" id="Page_189"></a></span> work of delight, when not carried to excess, when +scientifically organized, when man invents and improves his tools and is +conscious of being a useful member of the community.</p> + +<p>Of course, they will not only cultivate wheat and oats&mdash;they will also +produce those things which they formerly used to order from foreign +parts. And let us not forget that for the inhabitants of a revolted +territory, "foreign parts" may include all districts that have not +joined in the revolutionary movement. During the Revolutions of 1793 and +1871 Paris was made to feel that "foreign parts" meant even the country +district at her very gates. The speculator in grains at Troyes starved +in 1793 and 1794 the sansculottes of Paris as badly, and even worse, +than the German armies brought on to French soil by the Versailles +conspirators. The revolted city will be compelled to do without these +"foreigners," and why not? France invented beet-root sugar when +sugar-cane ran short during the continental blockade. Parisians +discovered saltpetre in their cellars when they no longer received any +from abroad. Shall we be inferior to our grandfathers, who hardly lisped +the first words of science?</p> + +<p>A revolution is more than a mere change of the prevailing political +system. It implies the awakening of human intelligence, the increasing +of the inventive spirit tenfold, a hundredfold; it is the dawn of a new +science&mdash;the science of men like Laplace, Lamarck, Lavoisier. It is a +revolution in the minds of men, as deep, and deeper still, than in their +institutions.</p> + +<p>And there are still economists, who tell us that once the "revolution is +made," everyone will return to his workshop, as if passing through a +revolution were going home after a walk in the Epping forest!</p> + +<p>To begin with, the sole fact of having laid hands on middle-class +property will imply the necessity of completely reorganizing the whole +of economic life in the workshops, the dockyards, the factories.</p> + +<p>And the revolution surely will not fail to act in this direction. Should +Paris, during the social revolution, be cut off<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_190" id="Page_190"></a></span> from the world for a +year or two by the supporters of middle-class rule, its millions of +intellects, not yet depressed by factory life&mdash;that City of little +trades which stimulate the spirit of invention&mdash;will show the world what +man's brain can accomplish without asking for help from without, but the +motor force of the sun that gives light, the power of the wind that +sweeps away impurities, and the silent life-forces at work in the earth +we tread on.</p> + +<p>We shall see then what a variety of trades, mutually cooperating on a +spot of the globe and animated by a revolution, can do to feed, clothe, +house, and supply with all manner of luxuries millions of intelligent +men.</p> + +<p>We need write no fiction to prove this. What we are sure of, what has +already been experimented upon, and recognized as practical, would +suffice to carry it into effect, if the attempt were fertilized, +vivified by the daring inspiration of the Revolution and the spontaneous +impulse of the masses.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_10_10" id="Footnote_10_10"></a><a href="#FNanchor_10_10"><span class="label">[10]</span></a> A fuller development of these ideas will be found in my +book, <i>Fields, Factories, and Workshops</i>, published by Messrs. Thomas +Nelson and Sons in their popular series in 1912.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_191" id="Page_191"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="CHAPTER_XVII" id="CHAPTER_XVII"></a>CHAPTER XVII</h2> + +<h3>AGRICULTURE</h3> + +<h3>I</h3> + +<p>Political Economy has often been reproached with drawing all its +deductions from the decidedly false principle, that the only incentive +capable of forcing a man to augment his power of production is personal +interest in its narrowest sense.</p> + +<p>The reproach is perfectly true; so true that epochs of great industrial +discoveries and true progress in industry are precisely those in which +the happiness of all was inspiring men, and in which personal enrichment +was least thought of. The great investigators in science and the great +inventors aimed, above all, at giving greater freedom of mankind. And if +Watt, Stephenson, Jacquard, etc., could have only foreseen what a state +of misery their sleepless nights would bring to the workers, they +certainly would have burned their designs and broken their models.</p> + +<p>Another principle that pervades Political Economy is just as false. It +is the tacit admission, common to all economists, that if there is often +over-production in certain branches, a society will nevertheless never +have sufficient products to satisfy the wants of all, and that +consequently the day will never come when nobody will be forced to sell +his labour in exchange for wages. This tacit admission is found at the +basis of all theories and all the so-called "laws" taught by economists.</p> + +<p>And yet it is certain that the day when any civilized association of +individuals would ask itself, <i>what are the needs of all, and the means +of satisfying them</i>, it would see that, in<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_192" id="Page_192"></a></span> industry, as in agriculture, +it already possesses sufficient to provide abundantly for all needs, on +condition that it knows how to apply these means to satisfy real needs.</p> + +<p>That this is true as regards industry no one can contest. Indeed, it +suffices to study the processes already in use to extract coals and ore, +to obtain steel and work it, to manufacture on a great scale what is +used for clothing, etc., in order to perceive that we could already +increase our production fourfold or more, and yet use for that <i>less</i> +work than we are using now.</p> + +<p>We go further. We assert that agriculture is in the same position: those +who cultivate the soil, like the manufacturers, already could increase +their production, not only fourfold but tenfold, and they can put it +into practice as soon as they feel the need of it,&mdash;as soon as a +socialist organization of work will be established instead of the +present capitalistic one.</p> + +<p>Each time agriculture is spoken of, men imagine a peasant bending over +the plough, throwing badly assorted corn haphazard into the ground and +waiting anxiously for what the good or bad season will bring forth; they +think of a family working from morn to night and reaping as reward a +rude bed, dry bread, and coarse beverage. In a word, they picture "the +savages" of La Bruy&egrave;re.</p> + +<p>And for these men, ground down to such a misery, the utmost relief that +society proposes, is to reduce their taxes or their rent. But even most +social reformers do not care to imagine a cultivator standing erect, +taking leisure, and producing by a few hours' work per day sufficient +food to nourish, not only his own family, but a hundred men more at the +least. In their most glowing dreams of the future Socialists do not go +beyond American extensive culture, which, after all, is but the infancy +of agricultural art.</p> + +<p>But the thinking agriculturist has broader ideas to-day&mdash;his conceptions +are on a far grander scale. He only asks for a fraction of an acre in +order to produce sufficient vegetables for a family; and to feed +twenty-five horned beasts he needs no more space than he formerly +required to feed one; his aim is to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_193" id="Page_193"></a></span> make his own soil, to defy seasons +and climate, to warm both air and earth around the young plant; to +produce, in a word, on one acre what he used to gather from fifty acres, +and that without any excessive fatigue&mdash;by greatly reducing, on the +contrary, the total of former labour. He knows that we will be able to +feed everybody by giving to the culture of the fields no more time than +what each can give with pleasure and joy.</p> + +<p>This is the present tendency of agriculture.</p> + +<p>While scientific men, led by Liebig, the creator of the chemical theory +of agriculture, often got on the wrong tack in their love of mere +theories, unlettered agriculturists opened up new roads to prosperity. +Market-gardeners of Paris, Troyes, Rouen, Scotch and English gardeners, +Flemish and Lombardian farmers, peasants of Jersey, Guernsey, and +farmers on the Scilly Isles have opened up such large horizons that the +mind hesitates to grasp them. While up till lately a family of peasants +needed at least seventeen to twenty acres to live on the produce of the +soil&mdash;and we know how peasants live&mdash;we can now no longer say what is +the minimum area on which all that is necessary to a family can be +grown, even including articles of luxury, if the soil is worked by means +of intensive culture.</p> + +<p>Twenty years ago it could already be asserted that a population of +thirty million individuals could live very well, without importing +anything, on what could be grown in Great Britain. But now, when we see +the progress recently made in France, in Germany, in England, and when +we contemplate the new horizons which open before us, we can say that in +cultivating the earth as it is already cultivated in many places, even +on poor soils, fifty or sixty million inhabitants to the territory of +Great Britain would still be a very feeble proportion to what man could +extract from the soil.</p> + +<p>In any case (as we are about to demonstrate) we may consider it as +absolutely proved that if to-morrow Paris and the two departments of +Seine and of Seine-et-Oise organized themselves as an Anarchist commune, +in which all worked<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_194" id="Page_194"></a></span> with their hands, and if the entire universe +refused to send them a single bushel of wheat, a single head of cattle, +a single basket of fruit, and left them only the territory of the two +departments, they could not only produce all the corn, meat, and +vegetables necessary for themselves, but also vegetables and fruit which +are now articles of luxury, in sufficient quantities for all.</p> + +<p>And, in addition, we affirm that the sum total of this labour would be +far less than that expended at present to feed these people with corn +harvested in Auvergne and Russia, with vegetables produced a little +everywhere by extensive agriculture, and with fruit grown in the South.</p> + +<p>It is self-evident that we in nowise desire all exchange to be +suppressed, nor that each region should strive to produce that which +will only grow in its climate by a more or less artificial culture. But +we care to draw attention to the fact that the theory of exchange, such +as is understood to-day, is strangely exaggerated&mdash;that exchange is +often useless and even harmful. We assert, moreover, that people have +never had a right conception of the immense labour of Southern wine +growers, nor that of Russian and Hungarian corn growers, whose excessive +labour could also be very much reduced if they adopted intensive +culture, instead of their present system of extensive agriculture.</p> + +<h3>II</h3> + +<p>It would be impossible to quote here the mass of facts on which we base +our assertions. We are therefore obliged to refer our readers who want +further information to another book, "Fields, Factories, and +Workshops."<a name="FNanchor_11_11" id="FNanchor_11_11"></a><a href="#Footnote_11_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Above all we earnestly invite those who are interested +in the question to read several excellent works published in France and +elsewhere, and of which we give a list at the close of this book<a name="FNanchor_12_12" id="FNanchor_12_12"></a><a href="#Footnote_12_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>. As +to the inhabitants of large towns, who have as<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_195" id="Page_195"></a></span> yet no real notion of +what agriculture can be, we advise them to explore the surrounding +market-gardens. They need but observe and question the market-gardeners, +and a new world will be open to them. They will then be able to see what +European agriculture may be in the twentieth century; and they will +understand with what force the social revolution will be armed when we +know the secret of taking everything we need from the soil.</p> + +<p>A few facts will suffice to show that our assertions are in no way +exaggerated. We only wish them to be preceded by a few general remarks.</p> + +<p>We know in what a wretched condition European agriculture is. If the +cultivator of the soil is not plundered by the landowner, he is robbed +by the State. If the State taxes him moderately, the money-lender +enslaves him by means of promissory notes, and soon turns him into the +simple tenant of soil belonging in reality to a financial company. The +landlord, the State, and the banker thus plunders the cultivator by +means of rent, taxes, and interest. The sum varies in each country, but +it never falls below the quarter, very often the half of the raw +produce. In France and in Italy agriculturists paid the State quite +recently as much as 44 per cent. of the gross produce.</p> + +<p>Moreover, the share of the owner and of State always goes on increasing. +As soon as the cultivator has obtained more plentiful crops by prodigies +of labour, invention, or initiative, the tribute he will owe to the +landowner, the State, and the banker will augment in proportion. If he +doubles the number of bushels reaped per acre, rent will be doubled, and +taxes too, and the State will take care to raise them still more if the +prices go up. And so on. In short, everywhere the cultivator of the soil +works twelve to sixteen hours a day; these three vultures take from him +everything he might lay by; they rob him everywhere of what would enable +him to improve his culture. This is why agriculture progresses so +slowly.</p> + +<p>The cultivator can only occasionally make some progress,<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_196" id="Page_196"></a></span> in some +exceptional regions, under quite exceptional circumstances, following +upon a quarrel between the three vampires. And yet we have said nothing +about the tribute every cultivator pays to the manufacturer. Every +machine, every spade, every barrel of chemical manure, is sold to him at +three or four times its real cost. Nor let us forget the middleman, who +levies the lion's share of the earth's produce.</p> + +<p>This is why, during all this century of invention and progress, +agriculture has only improved from time to time on very limited areas.</p> + +<p>Happily there have always been small oases, neglected for some time by +the vulture; and here we learn what intensive agriculture can produce +for mankind. Let us mention a few examples.</p> + +<p>In the American prairies (which, however, only yield meagre spring wheat +crops, from 7 to 15 bushels acre, and even these are often marred by +periodical droughts), 500 men, working only during eight months, produce +the annual food of 50,000 people. With all the improvements of the last +three years, one man's yearly labour (300 days) yields, delivered in +Chicago as flour, the yearly food of 250 men. Here the result is +obtained by a great economy in manual labour: on those vast plains, +ploughing, harvesting, thrashing, are organized in almost military +fashion. There is no useless running to and fro, no loss of time&mdash;all is +done with parade-like precision.</p> + +<p>This is agriculture on a large scale&mdash;extensive agriculture, which takes +the soil from nature without seeking to improve it. When the earth has +yielded all it can, they leave it; they seek elsewhere for a virgin +soil, to be exhausted in its turn. But here is also "intensive" +agriculture, which is already worked, and will be more and more so, by +machinery. Its object is to cultivate a limited space well, to manure, +to improve, to concentrate work, and to obtain the largest crop +possible. This kind of culture spreads every year, and whereas +agriculturists in the south of France and on the fertile plains of +western America are content with<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_197" id="Page_197"></a></span> an average crop of 11 to 15 bushels +per acre by extensive culture, they reap regularly 39, even 55, and +sometimes 60 bushels per acre in the north of France. The annual +consumption of a man is thus obtained from less than a quarter of an +acre.</p> + +<p>And the more intense the culture is, the less work is expended to obtain +a bushel of wheat. Machinery replaces man at the preliminary work and +for the improvements needed by the land&mdash;such as draining, clearing of +stones&mdash;which will double the crops in future, once and for ever. +Sometimes nothing but keeping the soil free of weeds, without manuring, +allows an average soil to yield excellent crops from year to year. It +has been done for forty years in succession at Rothamstead, in +Hertfordshire.</p> + +<p>However, let us not write an agricultural romance, but be satisfied with +a crop of 44 bushels per acre. That needs no exceptional soil, but +merely a rational culture; and let us see what it means.</p> + +<p>The 3,600,000 individuals who inhabit the two departments of Seine and +Seine-et-Oise consume yearly for their food a little less than 22 +million bushels of cereals, chiefly wheat; and in our hypothesis they +would have to cultivate, in order to obtain this crop, 494,200 acres out +of the 1,507,300 acres which they possess. It is evident they would not +cultivate them with spades. That would need too much time&mdash;96 work-days +of 5 hours per acre. It would be preferable to improve the soil once for +all&mdash;to drain what needed draining, to level what needed levelling, to +clear the soil of stones, were it even necessary to spend 5 million days +of 5 hours in this preparatory work&mdash;an average of 10 work-days to each +acre.</p> + +<p>Then they would plough with the steam-digger, which would take one and +three-fifths of a day per acre, and they would give another one and +three-fifths of a day for working with the double plough. Seeds would be +sorted by steam instead of taken haphazard, and they would be carefully +sown in rows instead of being thrown to the four winds. Now all<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_198" id="Page_198"></a></span> this +work would not take 10 days of 5 hours per acre if the work were done +under good conditions. But if 10 million work-days are given to good +culture during 3 or 4 years, the result will be that later on crops of +44 to 55 bushels per acre will be obtained by only working half the +time.</p> + +<p>Fifteen million work-days will thus have been spent to give bread to a +population of 3,600,000 inhabitants. And the work would be such that +everyone could do it without having muscles of steel, or without having +even worked the ground before. The initiative and the general +distribution of work would come from those who know the soil. As to the +work itself, there is no townsman of either sex so enfeebled as to be +incapable of looking after machines and of contributing his share to +agrarian work after a few hours' apprenticeship.</p> + +<p>Well, when we consider that in the present chaos there are, in a city +like Paris, without counting the unemployed of the upper classes, there +are always about 100,000 workmen out of work in their several trades, we +see that the power lost in our present organization would alone suffice +to give, with a rational culture, all the bread that is necessary for +the three or four million inhabitants of the two departments.</p> + +<p>We repeat, this is no fancy dream, and we have not yet spoken of the +truly intensive agriculture. We have not depended upon the wheat +(obtained in three years by Mr. Hallett) of which one grain, replanted, +produced 5,000 or 6,000, and occasionally 10,000 grains, which would +give the wheat necessary for a family of five individuals on an area of +120 square yards. On the contrary, we have only mentioned what is being +already achieved by numerous farmers in France, England, Belgium, etc., +and what might be done to-morrow with the experience and knowledge +acquired already by practice on a large scale.</p> + +<p>But without a revolution, neither to-morrow, nor after to-morrow will +see it done, because it is not to the interest of landowners and +capitalists; and because peasants who would find their profit in it have +neither the knowledge nor the money, nor the time to obtain what is +necessary to go ahead.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_199" id="Page_199"></a></span></p><p>The society of to-day has not yet reached this stage. But let Parisians +proclaim an Anarchist Commune, and they will of necessity come to it, +because they will not be foolish enough to continue making luxurious +toys (which Vienna, Warsaw, and Berlin make as well already), and to run +the risk of being left without bread.</p> + +<p>Moreover, agricultural work, by the help of machinery, would soon become +the most attractive and the most joyful of all occupations.</p> + +<p>"We have had enough jewelery and enough dolls' clothes," they would say; +"it is high time for the workers to recruit their strength in +agriculture, to go in search of vigour, of impressions of nature, of the +joy of life, that they have forgotten in the dark factories of the +suburbs."</p> + +<p>In the Middle Ages it was Alpine pasture lands, rather than guns, which +allowed the Swiss to shake off lords and kings. Modern agriculture will +allow a city in revolt to free itself from the combined bourgeois +forces.</p> + +<h3>III</h3> + +<p>We have seen how the three and one-half million inhabitants of the two +departments round Paris could find ample bread by cultivating only a +third of their territory. Let us now pass on to cattle.</p> + +<p>Englishmen, who eat much meat, consume on an average a little less than +220 pounds a year per adult. Supposing all meats consumed were oxen, +that makes a little less than the third of an ox. An ox a year for five +individuals (including children) is already a sufficient ration. For +three and one-half million inhabitants this would make an annual +consumption of 700,000 head of cattle.</p> + +<p>To-day, with the pasture system, we need at least five million acres to +nourish 660,000 head of cattle. This makes nine acres per each head of +horned cattle. Nevertheless, with prairies moderately watered by spring +water (as recently done on thousands of acres in the southwest of +France), one and<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_200" id="Page_200"></a></span> one-fourth million acres already suffice. But if +intensive culture is practiced, and beet-root is grown for fodder, you +only need a quarter of that area, that is to say, about 310,000 acres. +And if we have recourse to maize and practice ensilage (the compression +of fodder while green) like Arabs, we obtain fodder on an area of +217,500 acres.</p> + +<p>In the environs of Milan, where sewer water is used to irrigate the +fields, fodder for two to three horned cattle per each acre is obtained +on an area of 22,000 acres; and on a few favoured fields, up to 177 tons +of hay to the 10 acres have been cropped, the yearly provender of 36 +milch cows. Nearly nine acres per head of cattle are needed under the +pasture system, and only two and one-half acres for nine oxen or cows +under the new system. These are the opposite extremes in modern +agriculture.</p> + +<p>In Guernsey, on a total of 9,884 acres utilized, nearly half (4,695 +acres) are covered with cereals and kitchen-gardens; only 5,189 acres +remain as meadows. On these 5,189 acres, 1,480 horses, 7,260 head of +cattle, 900 sheep, and 4,200 pigs are fed, which makes more than three +head of cattle per two acres, without reckoning the sheep or the pigs. +It is needless to add that the fertility of the soil is made by seaweed +and chemical manures.</p> + +<p>Returning to our three and one-half million inhabitants belonging to +Paris and its environs, we see that the land necessary for the rearing +of cattle comes down from five million acres to 197,000. Well, then, let +us not stop at the lowest figures, let us take those of ordinary +intensive culture; let us liberally add to the land necessary for +smaller cattle which must replace some of the horned beasts and allow +395,000 acres for the rearing of cattle&mdash;494,000 if you like, on the +1,013,000 acres remaining after bread has been provided for the people.</p> + +<p>Let us be generous and give five million work-days to put this land into +a productive state.</p> + +<p>After having therefore employed in the course of a year twenty million +work-days, half of which are for permanent<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_201" id="Page_201"></a></span> improvements, we shall have +bread and meat assured to us, without including all the extra meat +obtainable in the shape of fowls, pigs, rabbits, etc.; without taking +into consideration that a population provided with excellent vegetables +and fruit consumes less meat than Englishmen, who supplement their poor +supply of vegetables by animal food. Now, how much do twenty million +work-days of five hours make per inhabitant? Very little indeed. A +population of three and one-half millions must have at least 1,200,000 +adult men, and as many women capable of work. Well, then, to give bread +and meat to all, it would need only seventeen half-days of work a year +per man. Add three million work-days, or double that number if you like, +in order to obtain milk. That will make twenty-five work-days of five +hours in all&mdash;nothing more than a little pleasureable country +exercise&mdash;to obtain the three principal products: bread, meat, and milk. +The three products which, after housing, cause daily anxiety to +nine-tenths of mankind.</p> + +<p>And yet&mdash;let us not tire of repeating&mdash;these are not fancy dreams. We +have only told what is, what been, obtained by experience on a large +scale. Agriculture could be reorganized in this way to-morrow if +property laws and general ignorance did not offer opposition.</p> + +<p>The day Paris has understood that to know what you eat and how it is +produced, is a question of public interest; the day when everybody will +have understood that this question is infinitely more important than all +the parliamentary debates of the present times&mdash;on that day the +Revolution will be an accomplished fact. Paris will take possession of +the two departments and cultivate them. And then the Parisian worker, +after having laboured a third of his existence in order to buy bad and +insufficient food, will produce it himself, under his walls, within the +enclosure of his forts (if they still exist), and in a few hours of +healthy and attractive work.</p> + +<p>And now we pass on to fruit and vegetables. Let us go outside Paris and +visit the establishment of a market-gardener<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_202" id="Page_202"></a></span> who accomplishes wonders +(ignored by learned economists) at a few miles from the academies.</p> + +<p>Let us visit, suppose, M. Ponce, the author of a work on +market-gardening, who makes no secret of what the earth yields him, and +who has published it all along.</p> + +<p>M. Ponce, and especially his workmen, work like niggers. It takes eight +men to cultivate a plot a little less than three acres (2.7). They work +twelve and even fifteen hours a day, that is to say, three times more +than is needed. Twenty-four of them would not be too many. To which M. +Ponce will probably answer that as he pays the terrible sum of &pound;100 rent +a year for his 2.7 acres of land, and &pound;100 for manure bought in the +barracks, he is obliged to exploit. He would no doubt answer, "Being +exploited, I exploit in my turn." His installation has also cost him +&pound;1,200, of which certainly more than half went as tribute to the idle +barons of industry. In reality, this establishment represents at most +3,000 work-days, probably much less.</p> + +<p>But let us examine his crops: nearly ten tons of carrots, nearly ten +tons of onions, radishes, and small vegetables, 6,000 heads of cabbage, +3,000 heads of cauliflower, 5,000 baskets of tomatoes, 5,000 dozen of +choice fruit, 154,000 salads; in short, a total of 123 tons of +vegetables and fruit to 2.7 acres&mdash;120 yards long by 109 yards broad, +which makes more than forty-four tons of vegetables to the acre.</p> + +<p>But a man does not eat more than 660 pounds of vegetables and fruit a +year, and two and one-half acres of a market-garden yield enough +vegetables and fruit to richly supply the table of 350 adults during the +year. Thus twenty-four persons employed a whole year in cultivating 2.7 +acres of land, and only five working hours a day, would produce +sufficient vegetables and fruit for 350 adults, which is equivalent at +least to 500 individuals.</p> + +<p>To put it another way: in cultivating like M. Ponce&mdash;and his results +have already been surpassed&mdash;350 adults should each give a little more +than 100 hours a year (103) to produce vegetables and fruit necessary +for 500 people.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_203" id="Page_203"></a></span></p><p>Let us mention that such a production is not the exception. It takes +place, under the walls of Paris, on an area of 2,220 acres, by 5,000 +market-gardeners. Only these market-gardeners are reduced nowadays to a +state of beasts of burden, in order to pay an average rent of &pound;32 per +acre.</p> + +<p>But do not these facts, which can be verified by every one, prove that +17,300 acres (of the 519,000 remaining to us) would suffice to give all +necessary vegetables, as well as a liberal amount of fruit to the three +and one-half million inhabitants of our two departments?</p> + +<p>As to the quantity of work necessary to produce these fruits and +vegetables, it would amount to fifty million work-days of five hours (50 +days per adult male), if we measure by the market-gardeners' standard of +work. But we could reduce this quantity if we had recourse to the +process in vogue in Jersey and Guernsey. We must also remember that the +Paris market-gardener is forced to work so hard because he mostly +produces early season fruits, the high prices of which have to pay for +fabulous rents, and that this system of culture entails more work than +is necessary for growing the ordinary staple-food vegetables and fruit. +Besides, the market-gardeners of Paris, not having the means to make a +great outlay on their gardens, and being obliged to pay heavily for +glass, wood, iron, and coal, obtain their artificial heat out of manure, +while it can be had at much less cost in hothouses.</p> + +<h3>IV</h3> + +<p>The market-gardeners, we say, are forced to become machines and to +renounce all joys of life in order to obtain their marvellous crops. But +these hard grinders have rendered a great service to humanity in +teaching us that the soil can be "made." They <i>make</i> it with old +hot-beds of manure, which have already served to give the necessary +warmth to young plants and to early fruit; and they make it in such +great quantity that they are compelled to sell it in part, otherwise it +would raise the level of their gardens by one<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_204" id="Page_204"></a></span> inch every year. They do +it so well (so Barral teaches us, in his "Dictionary of Agriculture," in +an article on market-gardeners) that in recent contracts, the +market-gardener stipulates that he will carry away his soil with him +when he leaves the bit of ground he is cultivating. Loam carried away on +carts, with furniture and glass frames&mdash;that is the answer of practical +cultivators to the learned treatises of a Ricardo, who represented rent +as a means of equalizing the natural advantages of the soil. "The soil +is worth what the man is worth," that is the gardeners' motto.</p> + +<p>And yet the market-gardeners of Paris and Rouen labour three times as +hard to obtain the same results as their fellow-workers in Guernsey or +in England. Applying industry to agriculture, these last make their +climate in addition to their soil, by means of the greenhouse.</p> + +<p>Fifty years ago the greenhouse was the luxury of the rich. It was kept +to grow exotic plants for pleasure. But nowadays its use begins to be +generalized. A tremendous industry has grown up lately in Guernsey and +Jersey, where hundreds of acres are already covered with glass&mdash;to say +nothing of the countless small greenhouses kept in every little farm +garden. Acres and acres of greenhouses have lately been built also at +Worthing (103 acres in 1912), in the suburbs of London, and in several +other parts of England and Scotland.</p> + +<p>They are built of all qualities, beginning with those which have granite +walls, down to those which represent mere shelters made in planks and +glass frames, which cost, even now, with all the tribute paid to +capitalists and middlemen, less than 3s. 6d. per square yard under +glass. Most of them are heated for at least three of four months every +year; but even the cool greenhouses, which are not heated at all, give +excellent results&mdash;of course, not for growing grapes and tropical +plants, but for potatoes, carrots, peas, tomatoes, and so on.</p> + +<p>In this way man emancipates himself from climate, and at the same time +he avoids also the heavy work with the hot-beds, and he saves both in +buying much less manure and in work. Three men to the acre, each of them +working less<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_205" id="Page_205"></a></span> than sixty hours a week, produce on very small spaces what +formerly required acres and acres of land.</p> + +<p>The result of all these recent conquests of culture is, that if one-half +only of the adults of a city gave each about fifty half-days for the +culture of the finest fruit and vegetables <i>out of season</i>, they would +have all the year round an unlimited supply of that sort of fruit and +vegetables for the whole population.</p> + +<p>But there is a still more important fact to notice. The greenhouse has +nowadays a tendency to become a mere <i>kitchen garden under glass</i>. And +when it is used to such a purpose, the simplest plank-and-glass unheated +shelters already give fabulous crops&mdash;such as, for instance, 500 bushels +of potatoes per acre as a first crop, ready by the end of April; after +which a second and a third crop are obtained in the extremely high +temperature which prevails in the summer under glass.</p> + +<p>I gave in my "Fields, Factories, and Workshops," most striking facts in +this direction. Sufficient to say here, that at Jersey, thirty-four men, +with one trained gardener only, cultivate thirteen acres under glass, +from which they obtain 143 tons of fruit and early vegetables, using for +this extraordinary culture less than 1,000 tons of coal.</p> + +<p>And this is done now in Guernsey and Jersey on a very large scale, quite +a number of steamers constantly plying between Guernsey and London, only +to export the crops of the greenhouses.</p> + +<p>Nowadays, in order to obtain that same crop of 500 bushels of potatoes, +we must plough every year a surface of four acres, plant it, cultivate +it, weed, it, and so on; whereas with the glass, even if we shall have +to give perhaps, to start with, half a day's work per square yard in +order to build the greenhouse&mdash;we shall save afterwards at least +one-half, and probably three-quarters of the yearly labour required +formerly.</p> + +<p>These are <i>facts</i>, results which every one can verify himself. And these +facts are already a hint as to what man could obtain from the earth if +he treated it with intelligence.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_206" id="Page_206"></a></span></p> + +<h3>V</h3> + +<p>In all the above we have reasoned upon what already withstood the test +of experience. Intensive culture of the fields, irrigated meadows, the +hot-house, and finally the kitchen garden under glass are realities. +Moreover, the tendency is to extend and to generalize these methods of +culture, because they allow of obtaining more produce with less work and +with more certainty.</p> + +<p>In fact, after having studied the most simple glass shelters of +Guernsey, we affirm that, taking all in all, far less work is expended +for obtaining potatoes under glass in April, than in growing them in the +open air, which requires digging a space four times as large, watering +it, weeding it, etc. Work is likewise economized in employing a +perfected tool or machine, even when an initial expense had to be +incurred to buy the tool.</p> + +<p>Complete figures concerning the culture of common vegetables under glass +are still wanting. This culture is of recent origin, and is only carried +out on small areas. But we have already figures concerning the fifty +years old culture of early season grapes, and these figures are +conclusive.</p> + +<p>In the north of England, on the Scotch frontier, where coal only costs +3s. a ton at the pit's mouth, they have long since taken to growing +hot-house grapes. Thirty years ago these grapes, ripe in January, were +sold by the grower at 20s. per pound and resold at 40s. per pound for +Napoleon III.'s table. To-day the same grower sells them at only 2s. 6d. +per pound. He tells us so himself in a horticultural journal. The fall +in the prices is caused by the tons and tons of grapes arriving in +January to London and Paris.</p> + +<p>Thanks to the cheapness of coal and an intelligent culture, grapes from +the north travel now southwards, in a contrary direction to ordinary +fruit. They cost so little that in May, English and Jersey grapes are +sold at 1s. 8d. per pound by the gardeners, and yet this price, like +that of 40s. thirty years ago, is only kept up by slack production.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_207" id="Page_207"></a></span></p><p>In March, Belgium grapes are sold at from 6d. to 8d., while in October, +grapes cultivated in immense quantities&mdash;under glass, and with a little +artificial heating in the environs of London&mdash;are sold at the same price +as grapes bought by the pound in the vineyards of Switzerland and the +Rhine, that is to say, for a few halfpence. Yet they still cost +two-thirds too much, by reason of the excessive rent of the soil and the +cost of installation and heating, on which the gardener pays a +formidable tribute to the manufacturer and the middleman. This being +understood, we may say that it costs "next to nothing" to have delicious +grapes under the latitude of, and in our misty London in autumn. In one +of the suburbs, for instance, a wretched glass and plaster shelter, nine +feet ten inches long by six and one-half feet wide, resting against our +cottage, gave us about fifty pounds of grapes of an exquisite flavour in +October, for nine consecutive years. The crop came from a Hamburg +vine-stalk, six year old. And the shelter was so bad that the rain came +through. At night the temperature was always that of outside. It was +evidently not heated, for it would have been as useless as heating the +street! And the care which was given was: pruning the vine, half an hour +every year; and bringing a wheel-barrowful of manure, which was thrown +over the stalk of the vine, planted in red clay outside the shelter.</p> + +<p>On the other hand, if we estimate the amount of care given to the vine +on the borders of the Rhine of Lake Leman, the terraces constructed +stone upon stone on the slopes of the hills, the transport of manure and +also of earth to a height of two or three hundred feet, we come to the +conclusion that on the whole the expenditure of work necessary to +cultivate vines is more considerable in Switzerland or on the banks of +the Rhine than it is under glass in London suburbs.</p> + +<p>This may seem paradoxical, because it is generally believed that vines +grow of themselves in the south of Europe, and that the vine-grower's +work costs nothing. But gardeners and horticulturists, far from +contradicting us, confirm our assertions. "The most advantageous culture +in England is<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_208" id="Page_208"></a></span> vine culture," wrote a practical gardener, editor of the +"English Journal of Horticulture" in the <i>Nineteenth Century</i>. Prices +speak eloquently for themselves, as we know.</p> + +<p>Translating these facts into communist language, we may assert that the +man or woman who takes twenty hours a year from his leisure time to give +some little care&mdash;very pleasant in the main&mdash;to two or three vine-stalks +sheltered by simple glass under any European climate, will gather as +many grapes as their family and friends can eat. And that applies not +only to vines, but to all fruit trees.</p> + +<p>The Commune that will put the processes of intensive culture into +practice on a large scale will have all possible vegetables, indigenous +or exotic, and all desirable fruits, without employing more than about +ten hours a year per inhabitant.</p> + +<p>In fact, nothing would be easier than to verify the above statements by +direct experiment. Suppose 100 acres of a light loam (such as we have at +Worthing) are transformed into a number of market gardens, each one with +its glass houses for the rearing of the seedlings and young plants. +Suppose also that fifty more acres are covered with glass houses, and +the organization of the whole is left to practical experienced French +<i>mara&icirc;chers</i>, and Guernsey or Worthing greenhouse gardeners.</p> + +<p>In basing the maintenance of these 150 acres on the Jersey average, +requiring the work of three men per acre under glass&mdash;which makes less +than 8,600 hours of work a year&mdash;it would need about 1,300,000 hours for +the 150 acres. Fifty competent gardeners could give five hours a day to +this work, and the rest would be simply done by people who, without +being gardeners by profession, would soon learn how to use a spade, and +to handle the plants. But this work would yield at least&mdash;we have seen +it in a preceding chapter&mdash;all necessaries and articles of luxury in the +way of fruit and vegetables for at least 40,000 or 50,000 people. Let us +admit that among this number there are 13,500 adults, willing to work at +the kitchen garden; then, each one would have to<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_209" id="Page_209"></a></span> give 100 hours a year +distributed over the whole year. These hours of work would become hours +of recreation spent among friends and children in beautiful gardens, +more beautiful probably than those of the legendary Semiramis.</p> + +<p>This is the balance sheet of the labour to be spent in order to be able +to eat to satiety fruit which we are deprived of to-day, and to have +vegetables in abundance, now so scrupulously rationed out by the +housewife, when she has to reckon each half-penny which must go to +enrich capitalists and landowners<a name="FNanchor_13_13" id="FNanchor_13_13"></a><a href="#Footnote_13_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>.</p> + +<p>If only humanity had the consciousness of what it <span class="smaller">CAN</span>, and if that +consciousness only gave it the power to <span class="smaller">WILL</span>!</p> + +<p>If it only knew that cowardice of the spirit is the rock on which all +revolutions have stranded until now.</p> + +<h3>VI</h3> + +<p>We can easily perceive the new horizons opening before the social +revolution.</p> + +<p>Each time we speak of revolution, the face of the worker who has seen +children wanting food darkens and he asks&mdash;"What of bread? Will there be +sufficient, if everyone eats according to his appetite? What if the +peasants, ignorant tools of reaction, starve our towns as the black +bands did in France in 1793&mdash;what shall we do?"</p> + +<p>Let them do their worst. The large cities will have to do without them.</p> + +<p>At what, then, should the hundreds of thousands of workers, who are +asphyxiated to-day in small workshops and factories, be employed on the +day they regain their liberty? Will they continue to shut themselves up +in factories after the Revolution? Will they continue to make luxurious +toys for export when they see their stock or corn getting exhausted, +meat becoming scarce, and vegetables disappearing without being +replaced?</p> + +<p>Evidently not! They will leave the town and go into the fields! Aided by +a machinery which will enable the weakest<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_210" id="Page_210"></a></span> of us to put a shoulder to +the wheel, they will carry revolution into previously enslaved culture +as they will have carried it into institutions and ideas.</p> + +<p>Hundreds of acres will be covered with glass, and men, and women with +delicate fingers, will foster the growth of young plants. Hundreds of +other acres will be ploughed by steam, improved by manures, or enriched +by artificial soil obtained by the pulverization of rocks. Happy crowds +of occasional labourers will cover these acres with crops, guided in the +work and experiments partly by those who know agriculture, but +especially by the great and practical spirit of a people roused from +long slumber and illumined by that bright beacon&mdash;the happiness of all.</p> + +<p>And in two or three months the early crops will receive the most +pressing wants, and provide food for a people who, after so many +centuries of expectation, will at least be able to appease their hunger +and eat according to their appetite.</p> + +<p>In the meanwhile, popular genius, the genius of a nation which revolts +and knows its wants, will work at experimenting with new processes of +culture that we already catch a glimpse of, and that only need the +baptism of experience to become universal. Light will be experimented +with&mdash;that unknown agent of culture which makes barley ripen in +forty-five days under the latitude of Yakutsk; light, concentrated or +artificial, will rival heat in hastening the growth of plants. A Mouchot +of the future will invent a machine to guide the rays of the sun and +make them work, so that we shall no longer seek sun-heat stored in coal +in the depths of the earth. They will experiment the watering of the +soil with cultures of micro-organisms&mdash;a rational idea, conceived but +yesterday, which will permit us to give to the soil those little living +beings, necessary to feed the rootlets, to decompose and assimilate the +component parts of the soil.</p> + +<p>They will experiment.... But let us stop here, or we shall enter into +the realm of fancy. Let us remain in the reality of acquired facts. With +the processes of culture in use, applied on a large scale, and already +victorious in the<span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_211" id="Page_211"></a></span> struggle against industrial competition, we can give +ourselves ease and luxury in return for agreeable work. The near future +will show what is practical in the processes that recent scientific +discoveries give us a glimpse of. Let us limit ourselves at present to +opening up the new path that consists in <i>the study of the needs of man, +and the means of satisfying them</i>.</p> + +<p>The only thing that may be wanting to the Revolution is the boldness of +initiative.</p> + +<p>With our minds already narrowed in our youth and enslaved by the past in +our mature age, we hardly dare to think. If a new idea is +mentioned&mdash;before venturing on an opinion of our own, we consult musty +books a hundred years old, to know what ancient masters thought on the +subject.</p> + +<p>It is not food that will fail, if boldness of thought and initiative are +not wanting to the revolution.</p> + +<p>Of all the great days of the French Revolution, the most beautiful, the +greatest, was the one on which delegates who had come from all parts of +France to Paris, worked all with the spade to plane the ground of the +Champ de Mars, preparing it for the f&ecirc;te of the Federation.</p> + +<p>That day France was united: animated by the new spirit, she had a vision +of the future in the working in common of the soil.</p> + +<p>And it will again be by the working in common of the soil that the +enfranchised societies will find their unity and will obliterate the +hatred and oppression which has hitherto divided them.</p> + +<p>Henceforth, able to conceive solidarity&mdash;that immense power which +increases man's energy and creative forces a hundredfold&mdash;the new +society will march to the conquest of the future with all the vigour of +youth.</p> + +<p>Ceasing to produce for unknown buyers, and looking in its midst for +needs and tastes to be satisfied, society will liberally assure the life +and ease of each of its members, as well as that moral satisfaction +which work gives when freely chosen and freely accomplished, and the joy +of living without encroaching on the life of others.</p> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_212" id="Page_212"></a></span></p><p>Inspired by a new daring&mdash;born of the feeling of solidarity&mdash;all will +march together to the conquest of the high joys of knowledge and +artistic creation.</p> + +<p>A society thus inspired will fear neither dissensions within nor enemies +without. To the coalitions of the past it will oppose a new harmony, the +initiative of each and all, the daring which springs from the awakening +of a people's genius.</p> + +<p>Before such an irresistible force "conspiring kings" will be powerless. +Nothing will remain for them but to bow before it, and to harness +themselves to the chariot of humanity, rolling towards new horizons +opened up by the Social Revolution.</p> + +<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTE:</h3> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_11_11" id="Footnote_11_11"></a><a href="#FNanchor_11_11"><span class="label">[11]</span></a> A new enlarged edition of it has been published by Thomas +Nelson and Sons in their "Shilling Library."</p></div> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_213" id="Page_213"></a></span></p> + +<h2><a name="NOTES" id="NOTES"></a>NOTES</h2> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_12_12" id="Footnote_12_12"></a><a href="#FNanchor_12_12"><span class="label">[12]</span></a> Consult "La R&eacute;partition m&eacute;trique des imp&ocirc;ts," by A. +Toubeau, two vols., published by Guillaumin in 1880. (We do not in the +least agree with Toubeau's conclusions, but it is a real encyclop&aelig;dia, +indicating the sources which prove what can be obtained from the soil.) +"La Culture mara&icirc;chere," by M. Ponce, Paris, 1869. "Le Potager +Gressent," Paris, 1885, an excellent practical work. "Physiologie et +culture du bl&eacute;," by Risler, Paris, 1881. "Le bl&eacute;, sa culture intensive +et extensive," by Lecouteux, Paris, 1883. "La Cit&eacute; Chinoise," by Eug&egrave;ne +Simon. "Le dictionnaire d'agriculture," by Barral (Hachette, editor). +"The Rothamstead Experiments," by Wm. Fream, London, 1888&mdash;culture +without manure, etc. (the "Field" office, editor). "Fields, Factories, +and Workshops," by the author. (Thomas Nelson &amp; Sons.)</p></div> + +<div class="footnote"><p><a name="Footnote_13_13" id="Footnote_13_13"></a><a href="#FNanchor_13_13"><span class="label">[13]</span></a> Summing up the figures given on agriculture, figures +proving that the inhabitants of the two departments of Seine and +Seine-et-Oise can live perfectly well on their own territory by +employing very little time annually to obtain food, we have:&mdash;</p> + +<h3><span class="smcap">Departments of Seine and Seine-et-Oise</span></h3> + +<table summary="food summary"> + <tr> + <td>Number of inhabitants in 1889</td> + <td class="right">3,900,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Area in acres</td> + <td class="right">1,507,300</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Average number of inhabitants per acre</td> + <td class="right">2.6</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Areas to be cultivated to feed the inhabitants (in acres):&mdash;</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Corn and Cereals</td> + <td class="right">494,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Natural and artificial meadows</td> + <td class="right">494,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Vegetables and fruit</td> + <td class="right">from 17,300 to 25,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Leaving a balance for houses, roads, parks, forests</td> + <td class="right">494,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Quantity of annual work necessary to improve and cultivate &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;<br /> + &nbsp; &nbsp;the above surfaces in five-hour workdays:&mdash;</td> + <td></td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Cereals (culture and crop)</td> + <td class="right">15,000,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Meadows, milk, rearing of cattle</td> + <td class="right">10,000,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Market-gardening culture, high-class fruit</td> + <td class="right">33,000,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Extras</td> + <td class="right">12,000,000</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td></td> + <td class="right">&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;&mdash;</td> + </tr> + <tr> + <td>Total</td> + <td class="right">70,000,000</td> + </tr> +</table> + +<p><span class='pagenum'><a name="Page_214" id="Page_214"></a></span></p> + +<p>If we suppose that only half of the able-bodied adults (men and women) +are willing to work at agriculture, we see that 70 million work-days +must be divided among 1,200,000 individuals, which gives us fifty-eight +work-days of 5 hours for each of these workers. With that the population +of the two departments would have all necessary bread, meat, milk, +vegetables, and fruit, both for ordinary and even luxurious consumption. +To-day a workman spends for the necessary food of his family (generally +less than what is necessary) at least one-third of his 300 work-days a +year, about 1,000 hours be it, instead of 290. That is, he thus gives +about 700 hours too much to fatten the idle and the would-be +administrators, because he does not produce his own food, but buys it of +middlemen, who in their turn buy it of peasants who exhaust themselves +by working with bad tools, because, being robbed by the landowners and +the State, they cannot procure better ones.</p></div> +</div> + +<hr /> + +<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE CONQUEST OF BREAD ***</div> +<div style='text-align:left'> + +<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> +Updated editions will replace the previous one&#8212;the old editions will +be renamed. +</div> + +<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> +Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright +law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, +so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United +States without permission and without paying copyright +royalties. 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D.</h4> + Late fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge<br/> + <br> + and + <h4>Ernest Meyers, M.A.</h4> + Late fellow of Wadham College, Oxford +</p> + +<hr /> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2><a name="pref01"></a>PREFATORY NOTE.</h2> + +<p> +The execution of this version of the <i>Iliad</i> has been entrusted to the +three Translators in the following three parts: +</p> + +<p class="letter"> +Books I. &mdash; IX. . . . . W. Leaf.<br/> +Books X. &mdash; XVI. . . . . A. Lang.<br/> +Books XVII. &mdash; XXIV. . . . . E. Myers. +</p> + +<p> +Each Translator is therefore responsible for his own portion; but the whole has +been revised by all three Translators, and the rendering of passages or phrases +recurring in more than one portion has been determined after deliberation in +common. Even in these, however, a certain elasticity has been deemed desirable. +</p> + +<p> +On a few doubtful points, though very rarely, the opinion of two of the +translators has had to be adopted to the suppression of that held by the third. +Thus, for instance, the Translator of Books X. - XVI. Would have preferred +&ldquo;c&rdquo; and &ldquo;us&rdquo; to &ldquo;k&rdquo; and &ldquo;os&rdquo; in +the spelling of all proper names. +</p> + +<p> +The text followed has been that of La Roche (Leipzig, 1873), except where the +adoption of a different reading has been specified in a footnote. Where the +balance of evidence, external and internal, has seemed to the Translator to be +against the genuineness of the passage, such passage has been enclosed in +brackets []. +</p> + +<p> +The Translator of Books X. - XVI. has to thank Mr. R.W. Raper, Fellow of +Trinity College, Oxford, for his valuable aid in revising the proof-sheets of +these Books. +</p> + +<h3>NOTE TO REVISED EDITION</h3> + +<p> +In the present Edition the translation has been carefully revised throughout, +and numerous minor corrections have been made. The Notes at the end of the +volume have been, with a few exceptions, omitted; one of the Translators hopes +to publish very shortly a Companion to the Iliad for English readers, which +will deal fully with most of the points therein referred to. +</p> + +<p> +The use of square brackets has in this edition been restricted to passages +where there is external evidence, such as absence from the best MSS., for +believing in interpolation. One or two departures from this Rule are noticed in +footnotes. +</p> + +<p class="p2"> +<i>November</i> 1891 +</p> + +<p class="p2"> +The reader will perhaps also be helped by the following list of the Greek and +Latin names of the gods and goddesses who play important parts in the +narrative. When the Greek names are new to him, the corresponding Latin names +may be more familiar. +</p> + +<table summary=""> + +<tr> +<th>Greek</th><th>Latin</th> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>Zeus.</td><td>Jupiter.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>Hera.</td><td>Juno.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>(Pallas) Athene.</td><td>Minerva.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>Aphrodite.</td><td>Venus.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>Poseidon.</td><td>Neptune.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>Ares.</td><td>Mars.</td> +</tr> + +<tr> +<td>Hephaestus.<br/><br/></td><td>Vulcan.<br/><br/></td> +</tr> + +</table> + +<p class="noindent"> +The sacred soil of Ilios is rent<br/> +With shaft and pit; foiled waters wander slow<br/> +Through plains where Simois and Scamander went<br/> +To war with gods and heroes long ago.<br/> +Not yet to dark Cassandra lying low<br/> +In rich Mycenae do the Fates relent;<br/> +The bones of Agamemnon are a show,<br/> +And ruined is his royal monument.<br/> +The dust and awful treasures of the dead<br/> +Hath learning scattered wide; but vainly thee,<br/> +Homer, she meteth with her Lesbian lead,<br/> +And strives to rend thy songs, too blind is she<br/> +To know the crown on thine immortal head<br/> +Of indivisible supremacy. A.L.<br/><br/> +</p> + +<p class="noindent"> +Athwart the sunrise of our western day<br/> +The form of great Achilles, high and clear,<br/> +Stands forth in arms, wielding the Pelian spear.<br/> +The sanguine tides of that immortal fray,<br/> +Swept on by gods, around him surge and sway,<br/> +Wherethrough the helms of many a warrior peer,<br/> +Strong men and swift, their tossing plumes uprear.<br/> +But stronger, swifter, goodlier he than they,<br/> +More awful, more divine. Yet mark anigh;<br/> +Some fiery pang hath rent his soul within,<br/> +Some hovering shade his brows encompasseth.<br/> +What gifts hath Fate for all his chivalry?<br/> +Even such as hearts heroic oftenest win;<br/> +Honour, a friend, anguish, untimely death. E.M.<br/> +</p> + +</div><!--end chapter--> + +<hr/> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2><a name="chap00"></a>THE ILIAD OF HOMER</h2> + +</div><!--end chapter--> + +<div class="chapter"> + +<h2><a name="chap01"></a>BOOK I.</h2> + +<p class="letter"> +How Agamemnon and Achilles fell out at the siege of Troy; and Achilles withdrew +himself from battle, and won from Zeus a pledge that his wrong should be +avenged on Agamemnon and the Achaians. +</p> + +<p> +Sing, goddess, the wrath of Achilles Peleus&rsquo; son, the ruinous wrath that +brought on the Achaians woes innumerable, and hurled down into Hades many +strong souls of heroes, and gave their bodies to be a prey to dogs and all +winged fowls; and so the counsel of Zeus wrought out its accomplishment from +the day when first strife parted Atreides king of men and noble Achilles. +</p> + +<p> +Who among the gods set the twain at strife and variance? Apollo, the son of +Leto and of Zeus; for he in anger at the king sent a sore plague upon the host, +so that the folk began to perish, because Atreides had done dishonour to +Chryses the priest. For the priest had come to the Achaians&rsquo; fleet ships +to win his daughter&rsquo;s freedom, and brought a ransom beyond telling; and +bare in his hands the fillet of Apollo the Far-darter upon a golden staff; and +made his prayer unto all the Achaians, and most of all to the two sons of +Atreus, orderers of the host; &ldquo;Ye sons of Atreus and all ye well-greaved +Achaians, now may the gods that dwell in the mansions of Olympus grant you to +lay waste the city of Priam, and to fare happily homeward; only set ye my dear +child free, and accept the ransom in reverence to the son of Zeus, far-darting +Apollo.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then all the other Achaians cried assent, to reverence the priest and accept +his goodly ransom; yet the thing pleased not the heart of Agamemnon son of +Atreus, but he roughly sent him away, and laid stern charge upon him, saying: +&ldquo;Let me not find thee, old man, amid the hollow ships, whether tarrying +now or returning again hereafter, lest the staff and fillet of the god avail +thee naught. And her will I not set free; nay, ere that shall old age come on +her in our house, in Argos, far from her native land, where she shall ply the +loom and serve my couch. But depart, provoke me not, that thou mayest the +rather go in peace.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +So said he, and the old man was afraid and obeyed his word, and fared silently +along the shore of the loud-sounding sea. Then went that aged man apart and +prayed aloud to king Apollo, whom Leto of the fair locks bare: &ldquo;Hear me, +god of the silver bow, that standest over Chryse and holy Killa, and rulest +Tenedos with might, O Smintheus! If ever I built a temple gracious in thine +eyes, or if ever I burnt to thee fat flesh of thighs of bulls or goats, fulfil +thou this my desire; let the Danaans pay by thine arrows for my tears.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +So spake he in prayer, and Phoebus Apollo heard him, and came down from the +peaks of Olympus wroth at heart, bearing on his shoulders his bow and covered +quiver. And the arrows clanged upon his shoulders in wrath, as the god moved; +and he descended like to night. Then he sate him aloof from the ships, and let +an arrow fly; and there was heard a dread clanging of the silver bow. First did +the assail the mules and fleet dogs, but afterward, aiming at the men his +piercing dart, he smote; and the pyres of the dead burnt continually in +multitude. +</p> + +<p> +Now for nine days ranged the god&rsquo;s shafts through the host; but on the +tenth Achilles summoned the folk to assembly, for in his mind did goddess Hera +of white arms put the thought, because she had pity on the Danaans when she +beheld them perishing. Now when they had gathered and were met in assembly, +then Achilles fleet of foot stood up and spake among them: &ldquo;Son of +Atreus, now deem I that we shall return wandering home again—if verily we might +escape death—if war at once and pestilence must indeed ravage the Achaians. But +come, let us now inquire of some soothsayer or priest, yea, or an interpreter +of dreams—seeing that a dream too is of Zeus—who shall say wherefore Phoebus +Apollo is so wroth, whether he blame us by reason of vow or hecatomb; if +perchance he would accept the savour of lambs or unblemished goats, and so +would take away the pestilence from us.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +So spake he and sate him down; and there stood up before them Kalchas son of +Thestor, most excellent far of augurs, who knew both things that were and that +should be and that had been before, and guided the ships of the Achaians to +Ilios by his soothsaying that Phoebus Apollo bestowed on him. He of good intent +made harangue and spake amid them: &ldquo;Achilles, dear to Zeus, thou biddest +me tell the wrath of Apollo, the king that smiteth afar. Therefore will I +speak; but do thou make covenant with me, and swear that verily with all thy +heart thou wilt aid me both by word and deed. For of a truth I deem that I +shall provoke one that ruleth all the Argives with might, and whom the Achaians +obey. For a king is more of might when he is wroth with a meaner man; even +though for the one day he swallow his anger, yet doth he still keep his +displeasure thereafter in his breast till he accomplish it. Consider thou, +then, if thou wilt hold me safe.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +And Achilles fleet of foot made answer and spake to him: &ldquo;Yea, be of good +courage, speak whatever soothsaying thou knowest; for by Apollo dear to Zeus, +him by whose worship thou, O Kalchas, declarest thy soothsaying to the Danaans, +not even if thou mean Agamemnon, that now avoweth him to be greatest far of the +Achaians.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then was the noble seer of good courage, and spake: &ldquo;Neither by reason of +a vow is he displeased, nor for any hecatomb, but for his priest&rsquo;s sake +to whom Agamemnon did despite, and set not his daughter free and accepted not +the ransom; therefore hath the Far-darter brought woes upon us, yea, and will +bring. Nor will he ever remove the loathly pestilence from the Danaans till we +have given the bright-eyed damsel to her father, unbought, unransomed, and +carried a holy hecatomb to Chryse; then might we propitiate him to our +prayer.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +So said he and sate him down, and there stood up before them the hero son of +Atreus, wide-ruling Agamemnon, sore displeased; and his dark heart within him +was greatly filled with anger, and his eyes were like flashing fire. To Kalchas +first spake he with look of ill: &ldquo;Thou seer of evil, never yet hast thou +told me the thing that is pleasant. Evil is ever the joy of thy heart to +prophesy, but never yet didst thou tell any good matter nor bring to pass. And +now with soothsaying thou makest harangue among the Danaans, how that the +Far-darter bringeth woes upon them because, forsooth, I would not take the +goodly ransom of the damsel Chryseis, seeing I am the rather fain to keep her +own self within mine house. Yea, I prefer her before Klytaimnestra my wedded +wife; in no wise is she lacking beside her, neither in favour nor stature, nor +wit nor skill. Yet for all this will I give her back, if that is better; rather +would I see my folk whole than perishing. Only make ye me ready a prize of +honour forthwith, lest I alone of all the Argives be disprized, which thing +beseemeth not; for ye all behold how my prize is departing from me.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +To him then made answer fleet-footed goodly Achilles: &ldquo;Most noble son of +Atreus, of all men most covetous, how shall the great-hearted Achaians give +thee a meed of honour? We know naught of any wealth of common store, but what +spoil soe&rsquo;er we took from captured cities hath been apportioned, and it +beseemeth not to beg all this back from the folk. Nay, yield thou the damsel to +the god, and we Achaians will pay thee back threefold and fourfold, if ever +Zeus grant us to sack some well-walled town of Troy-land.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +To him lord Agamemnon made answer and said: &ldquo;Not in this wise, strong as +thou art, O godlike Achilles, beguile thou me by craft; thou shalt not outwit +me nor persuade me. Dost thou wish, that thou mayest keep thy meed of honour, +for me to sit idle in bereavement, and biddest me give her back? Nay, if the +great-hearted Achaians will give me a meed suited to my mind, that the +recompense be equal—but if they give it not, then I myself will go and take a +meed of honour, thine be it or Aias&rsquo;, or Odysseus&rsquo; that I will take +unto me; wroth shall he be to whomsoever I come. But for this we will take +counsel hereafter; now let us launch a black ship on the great sea, and gather +picked oarsmen, and set therein a hecatomb, and embark Chryseis of the fair +cheeks herself, and let one of our counsellors be captain, Aias or Idomeneus or +goodly Odysseus, or thou, Peleides, most redoubtable of men, to do sacrifice +for us and propitiate the Far-darter.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then Achilles fleet of foot looked at him scowling and said: &ldquo;Ah me, thou +clothed in shamelessness, thou of crafty mind, how shall any Achaian hearken to +thy bidding with all his heart, be it to go a journey or to fight the foe +amain? Not by reason of the Trojan spearmen came I hither to fight, for they +have not wronged me; never did they harry mine oxen nor my horses, nor ever +waste my harvest in deep-soiled Phthia, the nurse of men; seeing there lieth +between us long space of shadowy mountains and sounding sea; but thee, thou +shameless one, followed we hither to make thee glad, by earning recompense at +the Trojans&rsquo; hands for Menelaos and for thee, thou dog-face! All this +thou threatenest thyself to take my meed of honour, wherefor I travailed much, +and the sons of the Achaians gave it me. Never win I meed like unto thine, when +the Achaians sack any populous citadel of Trojan men; my hands bear the brunt +of furious war, but when the apportioning cometh then is thy meed far ampler, +and I betake me to the ships with some small thing, yet my own, when I have +fought to weariness. Now will I depart to Phthia, seeing it is far better to +return home on my beaked ships; nor am I minded here in dishonour to draw thee +thy fill of riches and wealth.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then Agamemnon king of men made answer to him &ldquo;yea, flee, if thy soul be +set thereon. It is not I that beseech thee to tarry for my sake; I have others +by my side that shall do me honour, and above all Zeus, lord of counsel. Most +hateful art thou to me of all kings, fosterlings of Zeus; thou ever lovest +strife and wars and fightings. Though thou be very strong, yet that I ween is a +gift to thee of God. Go home with thy ships and company and lord it among thy +Myrmidons; I reck not aught of thee nor care I for thine indignation; and all +this shall be my threat to thee: seeing Phoebus Apollo bereaveth me of +Chryseis, her with my ship and my company will I send back; and mine own self +will I go to thy hut and take Briseis of the fair cheeks, even that thy meed of +honour, that thou mayest well know how far greater I am than thou, and so shall +another hereafter abhor to match his words with mine and rival me to my +face.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +So said he, and grief came upon Peleus&rsquo; son, and his heart within his +shaggy breast was divided in counsel, whether to draw his keen blade from his +thigh and set the company aside and so slay Atreides, or to assuage his anger +and curb his soul. While yet he doubted thereof in heart and soul, and was +drawing his great sword from his sheath, Athene came to him from heaven, sent +forth of the white-armed goddess Hera, whose heart loved both alike and had +care for them. She stood behind Peleus&rsquo; son and caught him by his golden +hair, to him only visible, and of the rest no man beheld her. Then Achilles +marvelled, and turned him about, and straightway knew Pallas Athene; and +terribly shone her eyes. He spake to her winged words, and said: &ldquo;Why now +art thou come hither, thou daughter of aegis-bearing Zeus? Is it to behold the +insolence of Agamemnon, son of Atreus. Yea, I will tell thee that I deem shall +even be brought to pass: by his own haughtinesses shall he soon lose his +life.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then the bright-eyed goddess Athene spake to him again: &ldquo;I came from +heaven to stay thine anger, if perchance thou wilt hearken to me, being sent +forth if the white-armed goddess Hera, that loveth you twain alike and careth +for you. Go to now, cease from strife, and let not thine hand draw the sword; +yet with words indeed revile him, even as it shall come to pass. For thus will +I say to thee, and so it shall be fulfilled; hereafter shall goodly gifts come +to thee, yea in threefold measure, by reason of this despite; hold thou thine +hand, and hearken to us.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +And Achilles fleet of foot made answer and said to her: &ldquo;Goddess, needs +must a man observe the saying of you twain, even though he be very wroth at +heart; for so is the better way. Whosoever obeyeth the gods, to him they gladly +hearken.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +He said, and stayed his heavy hand on the silver hilt, and thrust the great +Sword back into the sheath, and was not disobedient to the saying of Athene; +and she forthwith was departed to Olympus, to the other gods in the palace of +aegis-bearing Zeus. +</p> + +<p> +Then Peleus&rsquo; son spake again with bitter words to Atreus&rsquo; son, and +in no wise ceased from anger: &ldquo;Thou heavy with wine, thou with face of +dog and heart of deer, never didst thou take courage to arm for battle among +thy folk or to lay ambush with the princes of the Achaians; that to thee were +even as death. Far better booteth it, for sooth, to seize for thyself the meed +of honour of every man through the wide host of the Achaians that speaketh +contrary to thee. Folk-devouring king! seeing thou rulest men of naught; else +were this despite, thou son of Atreus, thy last. But I will speak my word to +thee, and swear a mighty oath therewith: verily by this staff that shall no +more put forth leaf or twig, seeing it hath for ever left its trunk among the +hills, neither shall it grow green again, because the axe hath stripped it of +leaves and bark; and now the sons of the Achaians that exercise judgment bear +it in their hands, even they that by Zeus&rsquo; command watch over the +traditions—so shall this be a mighty oath in thine eyes—verily shall longing +for Achilles come hereafter upon the sons of the Achaians one and all; and then +wilt thou in no wise avail to save them, for all thy grief, when multitudes +fall dying before manslaying Hector. Then shalt thou tear thy heart within thee +for anger that thou didst in no wise honour the best of the Achaians.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +So said Peleides and dashed to earth the staff studded with golden nails, and +himself sat down; and over against him Atreides waxed furious. Then in their +midst rose up Nestor, pleasant of speech, the clear-voiced orator of the +Pylians, he from whose tongue flowed discourse sweeter than honey. Two +generations of mortal men already had he seen perish, that had been of old time +born and nurtured with him in goodly Pylos, and he was king among the third. He +of good intent made harangue to them and said: &ldquo;Alas, of a truth sore +lamentation cometh upon the land of Achaia. Verily Priam would be glad and +Priam&rsquo;s sons, and all the Trojans would have great joy of heart, were +they to hear all this tale of strife between you twain that are chiefest of the +Danaans in counsel and chiefest in battle. Nay, hearken to me; ye are younger +both than I. Of old days held I converse with better men even than you, and +never did they make light of me. Yea, I never beheld such warriors, nor shall +behold, as were Peirithoos and Dryas shepherd of the host and Kaineus and +Exadios and godlike Polyphemos [and Theseus son of Aigeus, like to the +Immortals]. Mightiest of growth were they of all men upon the earth; mightiest +they were and with the mightiest fought they, even the wild tribes of the +Mountain caves, and destroyed them utterly. And with these held I converse, +being come from Pylos, from a distant land afar; for of themselves they +summoned me. So I played my part in fight; and with them could none of men that +are now on earth do battle. And they laid to heart my counsels and hearkened to +my voice. Even so hearken ye also, for better is it to hearken. Neither do +thou, though thou art very great, seize from him his damsel, but leave her as +she was given at the first by the sons of the Achaians to be a meed of honour; +nor do thou, son of Peleus, think to strive with a king, might against might; +seeing that no common honour pertaineth to a sceptred king to whom Zeus +apportioneth glory. Though thou be strong, and a goddess mother bare thee, yet +his is the greater place, for he is king over more. And thou, Atreides, abate +thy fury; nay, it is even I that beseech thee to let go thine anger with +Achilles, who is made unto all the Achaians a mighty bulwark of evil +war.&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then lord Agamemnon answered and said: &ldquo;Yea verily, old man, all this +thou sayest is according unto right. But this fellow would be above all others, +he would be lord of all and king among all and captain to all; wherein I deem +none will hearken to him. Though the immortal gods made him a spearman, do they +therefore put revilings in his mouth for him to utter?&rdquo; +</p> + +<p> +Then goodly Achilles brake in on him and answered: &ldquo;Yea, for I should be +called coward and man of naught, if I yield to thee in every matter, +howsoe&rsquo;er thou bid. To others give now thine orders, not to me [play +master; for thee I deem that I shall no more obey]. This, moreover, will I say +to thee, and do thou lay it to thy heart. Know that not by violence will I +strive for